Red or white: which terror is worse? Red and white terror Red and white terror causes

“Red terror” - this topic is constantly being discussed by both pro-Western and pro-Kremlin groups, especially on the eve of a birthday or November 7th. As a rule, numerous articles boil down to one thesis: “red terror”, expressed in the mass extermination of dissenters (or even everyone in a row)
, — business card domestic policy Bolsheviks during the years of the revolution and the Civil War, which, of course, was unleashed by the communists themselves, led by Lenin.

But the first known terrorist attack in the Civil War was committed not by the Bolsheviks, but by whites in 1918. Having captured the Kremlin and captured more than 500 Red Army soldiers, they put them against the wall and shot them right at the Kremlin wall.

The first concentration camps were also built not by the Bolsheviks, but by the Americans in the Arkhangelsk region. Not only prisoners, but also civilians were driven here. Tens of thousands of arrestees passed through the prisons on Mudyug Island, many of whom were shot, tortured or died of starvation.

So are the Bolsheviks to blame for starting the Civil War? In bringing forward this grave accusation, anti-communists, as a rule, rely on Lenin’s well-known slogan about “transforming the imperialist war into a civil war.” But, firstly, this slogan had a purely theoretical meaning, since the Bolsheviks, due to their small numbers, had practically no political influence in the country before February. And secondly, this slogan was intended to be used by the proletariat of all warring countries.

After February, this slogan was removed and replaced by a new one - “about a just world.” And after October, during the German offensive, a new slogan, “The Socialist Fatherland is in Danger,” was again put forward. What does this mean? First of all, Lenin was never a dogmatist of Marxism. On the contrary, he always kept his finger on the pulse of the times and clearly responded to the slightest changes in current events. The situation in the country changed, and the slogans also changed.

Facts indicate that the Bolsheviks did not at all want civil war in their country and made every effort to prevent it. It was the Bolsheviks, led by Lenin, who, until July 3-4, 1917, proceeded from the possibility and desirability of the peaceful development of the revolution after February. Who prevented this? Provisional Government, Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries.

After the failure of the Kornilov rebellion, Lenin, in his article “On Compromises,” proposed creating a government of Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries, controlled by the Soviets.

“Such a government,” he wrote, “could be created and strengthened quite peacefully” (Vol. 34, pp. 134-135). And who thwarted this opportunity for a peaceful transfer of power into the hands of the working people in the person of the Soviets? Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks together with Kerensky.

In his pre-October works, V.I. Lenin repeatedly returned to the issue of intimidation of a civil war in Russia by the bourgeois press if power passed to the Bolsheviks. In response, he expressed his firm belief that if all socialist parties united, as they did during the Kornilov rebellion, then there would be no civil war. But the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries remained deaf to these reasonable calls.

Having taken power almost bloodlessly (except for the “assault” of Winter Palace, during which 6 people were killed and 50 wounded), the Bolsheviks tried to win over all classes to their side. All parties, the intelligentsia, and the military were invited to cooperate.

The fact that the Soviet government hoped for peaceful development is evidenced by the plans for the economic and cultural development of the country and especially the beginning of the implementation of major programs. For example, the opening of 33 scientific institutes in 1918, the organization of a number of geological expeditions, and the beginning of the construction of an entire network of power plants. Who starts such things if they are preparing for war? The Soviet government tried to create mechanisms to prevent the outbreak of civil war in the country, but it had too few forces and too many enemies. And therefore the development of events took a different path.

Already on October 25, by order of the former head of the Provisional Government, Kerensky, the 3rd Corps of General Krasnov was moved to Petrograd. And the so-called Committee for the Salvation of the Motherland and the Revolution, consisting of liberals, Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviks, raised a revolt of the cadets. But already on October 30, the troops of Kerensky-Krasnov, and even earlier, the rebellion of the cadets were defeated. This is how the Civil War began in Soviet Russia. So who was its instigator? The answer is clear and understandable. And, nevertheless, at first the Soviet government treated its opponents quite humanely. Participants in the first Soviet revolts and their leaders (generals Kornilov, Krasnov and Kaledin) were released “on their word of honor” that they would not fight Soviet power. No reprisals followed either the members of the Provisional Government or the deputies of the Constituent Assembly.

And how did the enemies they forgiven respond to the humane actions of the Bolsheviks? Generals Kornilov, Krasnov and Kaledin fled to the Don and organized a White Cossack army there. After their release, many tsarist officers took an active part in conspiracies and counter-revolutionary actions.

Conspiracies, sabotage, and murders of government officials forced the Bolsheviks to take measures to defend the revolution. In May 1918 (only seven months after the October events) the Central Committee of the RCP (b) decided: “... to introduce death sentences for certain crimes.” It should be noted that in many cities, local authorities, faced with acts of terror, sabotage, torture and murder, demanded that the central government take decisive measures, and sometimes they themselves took retaliatory measures. The Central Committee, headed by Lenin, had to sharply condemn such “amateur activity.” For example, a letter from the Central Committee to the Yelets Bolsheviks said: “Dear comrades! We consider it necessary to point out that we consider any repressions against the Yelets Left Socialist-Revolutionaries to be completely unnecessary” (July 1918).

And this is after the security officers seized documents from the Socialist Revolutionary headquarters about the preparation of terrorist attacks: “... in the interests of the Russian and international revolution, it is necessary to put an end to the so-called respite, created thanks to the ratification of the Brest Peace Treaty by the Bolshevik government in the shortest possible time... The Central Committee of the party (Socialist Revolutionaries) considers it possible and it would be expedient to organize a series of terrorist acts...” (From the minutes of the meeting of the Central Committee of the Left Socialist Revolutionary Party on June 24, 1918).

Trying to pit the Bolsheviks against the Germans, the Left Social Revolutionaries kill the German ambassador Mirbach. The Soviet government is forced to take retaliatory measures against terrorists. But can these measures be called “red terror” if the direct killers of the German ambassador, Blyumkin and Andreev, were sentenced by the Revolutionary Tribunal of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on November 27, 18 to three years of forced labor. The organizers of the murder, Spiridonov and Sablin, received one year in prison. Having learned about such an “ultra-cruel” sentence, Blumkin voluntarily surrendered to the security officers and was released early on May 16, 1919. But the failure of the peace treaty threatened the continuation of the war and hundreds of thousands of dead.

The terrorists considered this policy a weakness of the Bolsheviks, and terrorist attacks began to follow one after another. However, until the autumn of 1918, the terror of the Soviet regime did not have a mass character, and the repressions themselves took a mild, humane form.

Nevertheless, anti-communists still accuse Lenin and the Bolsheviks of cruelty, and for proof they cite the “terrible” phrase spoken by Ilyich: “We must encourage the energy and mass character of terror.” At the same time, as usual, they take it out of context and do not explain why it was said. They seem to lead the average person to the idea that since there is mass terror, it means it is directed against the masses, primarily against peasants and workers.

The full phrase reads like this: “Terrorists will consider us wimps. It's arch-war time. It is necessary to encourage the energy and mass scale of terror against counter-revolutionaries, and especially in St. Petersburg, whose example decides.” Written by Lenin (letter to Zinoviev dated June 26, 18) in response to the murder of Volodarsky. As we can see, Ilyich proposed directing the energy and mass scale of terror against terrorists, and not against the people.

The “Red Terror” became massive and cruel after the serious wounding of V.I. Lenin, the murder on the same day of the chairman of the Petrograd Cheka M.S. Uritsky, and even earlier the prominent Bolshevik V. Volodarsky. This was a forced response of the Soviet government to the intensified terror on the part of its enemies. On September 5, the Council of People's Commissars issued a resolution on the “Red Terror” and entrusted its implementation to the Cheka. Only after this did the executions of people imprisoned for political reasons begin.

The largest action of the “Red Terror” was the execution in Petrograd of 512 representatives of the bourgeois elite (former dignitaries, ministers and generals). According to official data, in total about 800 people were shot in Petrograd during the “Red Terror”. The “Red Terror” ended on November 6, 1918, and in fact in most regions of Russia it was completed in September-October.

Generally speaking, terror (from the French word for “horror”) of a state aims to suppress the actions of its internal enemies by creating a climate of fear that paralyzes its will to resist. For this purpose, a brief but very intense and visual shock-inducing repression is usually carried out. In Russia at that time, the idea of terror was shared by all revolutionary parties without exception.

But the Bolsheviks failed to paralyze resistance to Soviet power with the help of terror. It’s just that obvious enemies of the Bolsheviks fled to the places where the White Army was formed or to areas where Soviet power was overthrown. The final demarcation of the “whites” and “reds” took place, and the rear was cleared of counter-revolutionaries. After this, the “Red Terror” was officially ended, since there was no longer any point in it.

And when on September 25, 1919, terrorists threw two bombs into the meeting room of the Moscow Party Committee in Leontyevsky Lane, building 18, where a party meeting was taking place, as a result of which about 40 people were killed and injured, including the secretary of the Moscow Party Committee V. M. Zagorsky, no terror was declared in response. The Central Committee of the RCP (b) sent a circular to all provincial committees: “The Central Committee decided: the assassination attempt committed in Moscow should not change the nature of the activities of the Cheka. Therefore, we ask: do not declare terror” (4.10. 1919).

Particular mention should be made of the terror on the fronts during the Civil War. There is a lot of evidence that both whites and reds showed considerable cruelty towards each other. But in war it’s like in war. Either you kill or you will be killed. And the war became a reality when a large-scale intervention by the Entente countries took place (it began with the landing of the Japanese in April 1918). And here Lenin, as a man of action, acted decisively and mercilessly, because he no longer had a choice.

There is a lot of evidence about white terror among the participants of the white movement themselves. Thus, in Roman Gul’s book “The Ice March,” dozens of pages are devoted to white terror. Here is a fragment from this book: “50-60 people are leading from behind the huts... their heads and hands are lowered. Prisoners. Colonel Nezhintsev overtakes them... “Those who want to be killed! - he shouts... About fifteen people came out of the ranks... It came: pli... The dry crackle of shots, screams, groans... People fell on each other, and from about ten steps... they were shot at, hastily clicking shutters. Everyone fell. The moans stopped. The shots stopped... Some finished off the living with bayonets and rifle butts.”

Not all officers took part in such savage massacres, but many did. As R. Gul shows, there were among them those who simply felt a zoological hatred of workers and peasants, of the “cattle” who dared to encroach on their private property.

An even more gloomy picture is painted by the chief of staff of the 1st Army (Volunteer) Corps, Lieutenant General E. I. Dostovalov, in his memoirs under the characteristic title “On the Whites and the White Terror.” “The path of such generals,” he writes, “as Wrangel, Kutepov, Pokrovsky, Shkuro, Slashchev, Drozdovsky, Turkul and many others, was littered with those hanged and shot without any reason or trial. They were followed by many others, of lower ranks, but no less bloodthirsty.” One commander of a cavalry regiment showed the author of the memoirs in his notebook the number 172. This was the number of Bolsheviks he personally shot. “He hoped,” General Dostovalov writes further, “that he would soon reach 200. And how many were shot not with his own hands, but on orders? And how many of his subordinates shot innocent people without orders? I once tried to do some approximate calculations of those shot and hanged by the white armies of the South alone and gave up - you could go crazy.”

Here it is, genuine, without embellishment, the truth, about the Civil War and the White Terror. General A.I. Denikin also writes about this in his “Essays on Russian Troubles.” He bitterly admits that it was the “white terror” that discredited the “white idea” and alienated the peasants from the whites. Blind rage towards the “cattle” who dared to raise a hand against their masters pushed the whites to extrajudicial executions of tens of thousands of ordinary Red Army soldiers - workers and peasants. Thus, the memoirs of participants in the white movement, in contrast to modern “liberal democrats,” indicate that it was the whites, and not the reds, who subjected the working people of Russia to mass terror. That is why the workers and peasants for the most part supported the Bolsheviks led by V.I. Lenin, and not the white guard of Denikin, Wrangel and Yudenich.

Sholokhov devoted many pages to the white and red terror in his immortal epic “ Quiet Don" And if the Reds, as follows from the novel, terrorized, first of all, rich Cossacks, officers, atamans and merchants, then the Whites terrorized mainly captured Red Army soldiers, whom they either simply shot, starved, or hanged to intimidate the population. But they mocked the commanders and commissars in a sophisticated way. This is how Sholokhov describes the death of the commander of one of the red detachments under torture by the rebel Cossacks.

“The next day they drove him to Kazanskaya. He walked ahead of the guards, lightly stepping on the snow with bare feet... He died, seven miles from Veshenskaya, in the sandy, stern breakers, the guards brutally hacked him to death. The living man's eyes were gouged out, his hands, ears, and nose were cut off, and his face was mangled with sabers. They unbuttoned their pants and violated and desecrated a large, courageous, beautiful body. They violated the bleeding stump, and then one of the guards stepped on the flimsily trembling chest, on the prone body, and with one blow cut off the head obliquely.”

How the whites abused the civilian population in the Far East was described in the newspaper “Duel” dated February 25, 2003 in an essay about the popular commander of the Red Cossack detachment, Gavriil Matveyevich Shevchenko (1886-1942). He carried out many successful operations against the White Guards and Japanese invaders and rose to the rank of deputy commander of the Ussuri Front. The Japanese even put a reward of ten thousand yen on his head. But Shevchenko was elusive. Then the faithful dog and hired the Japanese, Ataman Kalmykov, ordered his mother to be stripped naked along with her daughters-in-law and, through the autumn slush, drove them captives along the main street of the city of Grodekov. Then they tracked down the commander’s younger brother Pavlushka in the neighboring area, cut off his nose, lips, ears, tore out his eyes, and cut off his arms and legs with sabers. Only after this they cut the body into pieces. As you can see, reader, both on the Don and in the Far East the White Guards behaved the same way.

Shevchenko still continued to attack white outposts and derail trains. Then Kalmykov doused the commander’s hut with kerosene and burned it and his family.

For sympathy or assistance to the partisans, the White Guards shot peasants, and their families were mercilessly flogged with ramrods and their huts were burned. And sometimes people were grabbed on the street without any pretext or raided. The prey was dragged into the “death train”, where drunken sadists mocked innocent victims. Ataman Kalmykov himself loved to observe medieval torture. From this he quickly went into a rage and took his vile soul away by torturing people. In the “train of death,” those arrested were flogged with whips with wire ends, their noses, tongues and ears were cut off, their eyes were gouged out, bloody strips of skin were torn off, their stomachs were ripped open, and their arms and legs were chopped off with butcher axes. This is how the whites were sophisticated throughout the Kolchak movement under the reliable protection of the Japanese interventionists.

And there were quite a lot of executioners in the White Guard like Ataman Kalmykov: atamans Dutov and Semyonov, Baron Ungern and others, not to mention Admiral Kolchak himself. It is not surprising that the people, having experienced all the delights of Kolchakism on their own skin, joined the partisans and resisted as much as possible.

Red Terror

The official date of the beginning of the Red Terror is considered to be August 17, 1918, when in St. Petersburg, the People's Commissar of the Northern Commune, the head of the St. Petersburg Extraordinary Commission, Uritsky, was killed by a former student, cadet during the war, socialist Kannegiesser. The official document about this act reads: “During interrogation, Leonid Kannegiesser stated that he killed Uritsky not by order of the party or any organization, but by his own motive, wanting to take revenge for the arrest of the officers and the shooting of his friend Pereltsweig.”

In response to these two terrorist attacks, the Soviet government announced the start of an entire campaign of terror. At the same time, the objects of mass executions were not individuals, not any class, but entire segments of the population, namely, everyone who did not belong to the working class or the poorest peasantry.

We do not know and probably will never know the exact number of these victims - we do not even know their names. It is safe to say, however, that the actual figure is significantly higher than the figure given later in the semi-official report (no official announcement was ever published). In fact, on March 23, 1919, the English military chaplain Lombard reported to Lord Curzon: “In the last days of August, two barges filled with officers were sunk and their corpses were thrown out on the estate of one of my friends, located on the Gulf of Finland; many were tied up in twos. and three with barbed wire."

One of the leaders of the Cheka, Peters, called these days in Petrograd “historical terror” in an interview given to a newspaper correspondent in November: “Contrary to popular belief,” said Peters, “I am not at all as bloodthirsty as they think.” In St. Petersburg, “the soft-bodied revolutionaries were thrown out of balance and began to be overzealous. Before the murder of Uritsky, there were no executions in Petrograd, and after it there were too many and often indiscriminately, while Moscow, in response to the assassination attempt on Lenin, responded only by shooting several tsarist ministers.” And then, however, the not too bloodthirsty Peters threatened: “I declare that any attempt by the Russian bourgeoisie to once again raise its head will meet such a rebuff and such reprisal, before which everything that is understood as the Red Terror will pale.”

White terror

Violence and terror have been indispensable companions of the centuries-old history of mankind. Russia has traditionally been one of the countries where the cost of human life was scanty and humanitarian rights were not respected. Lenin argued that the Red Terror during the Civil War in Russia was forced and became a response to the actions of the White Guards and interventionists.

Currently, the thesis of the historian Melgunov has become widespread that the whites, more than the reds, tried to adhere to legal norms when carrying out punitive actions.

N
o legal declarations and resolutions of the confronting parties did not protect the population of the country in those years from tyranny and terror. Neither the decisions of the VI All-Russian Extraordinary Congress of Soviets (November 1918), nor the resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the abolition of the death penalty (January 1920), nor the instructions of the governments of the opposite side could prevent them. Both of them shot, took hostages, and practiced torture. The Whites also had institutions similar to the Cheka and revolutionary tribunals - various counterintelligence and military courts, propaganda "Red" terror

organizations with intelligence tasks, such as Denikin’s Osvag (propaganda department of the Special Meeting under the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the South of Russia). Already the first acts of violence carried out by the one- and then two-party Soviet government (Bolsheviks and left Socialist Revolutionaries): the closure of newspapers that defended the ideas of February, and not October 1917, the outlawing of the Cadet Party, the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the introduction of the right of extrajudicial struggle for power - caused the rejection of many. Lenin proceeded from the fact that “the benefit of the revolution, the benefit of the working class - this is the highest law”, that only he is the highest authority that determines “this benefit”, and therefore can resolve all issues, including the main one - the right to life and activity. The principle of expediency of means used to protect power was guided by Trotsky, Bukharin and others: “Proletarian coercion in all its forms, from executions to labor conscription, is a method of developing communist humanity from the human material of the capitalist era.” In a note by E.M. Sklyansky (August 1920), deputy. Prev. Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic, Lenin wrote: “...Under the guise of the “greens” (we will blame them later) we will walk 10-20 miles and outweigh the kulaks, priests, and landowners. Prize: 100,000 rubles for a hanged man”.

TO Autsky argued that viewing the Red Terror as a response to the White Terror is the same as justifying one’s own theft by the fact that others steal. He prophetically predicted that “Bolshevism will remain a dark page in the history of socialism.”

The leadership of the Soviet Republic officially recognized the creation of a non-legal state, where arbitrariness became the norm and terror was the most important tool for maintaining power. It is characteristic that the right of the Cheka to extrajudicial killings, created by Trotsky, was signed by Lenin; the tribunals were given unlimited rights by the People's Commissar of Justice; the resolution on the Red Terror was endorsed by the People's Commissars of Justice, Internal Affairs and the Administrator of the Council of People's Commissars; The tasks of the military tribunals were determined by the chairman of the Revolutionary Military Tribunal of the Republic. “Military tribunals are not and should not be guided by any legal norms. These are punitive bodies created in the process of intense revolutionary struggle, which decide

their verdicts, guided by the principle of political expediency and the legal consciousness of communists”. On September 11, 1918, from the pages of the newspaper Pravda, Osinsky stated: “From the dictatorship of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie, we moved to extreme terror - a system of destruction of the bourgeoisie as a class.”. The Decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of February 15, 1919 allowed “to take hostages from the peasants with the understanding that if the snow is not cleared, they will be shot”.

The territories occupied by whites cannot be considered as isolated territories: there was a civil war, which means the warring parties influenced each other. At the same time and interconnected with the red, white terror dominated the country.

U
In 1918, “environmental terror” began to reign, when the symmetry of the parties’ actions became inevitably similar. This continued in 1919-1920, when both the Reds and the Whites simultaneously built their dictatorial states. None of the leaders of the warring parties avoided the use of terror against their opponents and civilians. The forms and methods of terror were different. but they were also used by adherents of the Constituent Assembly (Komuch in Samara, the Provisional Regional Government in the Urals, the Provisional Siberian Government, the Upper Administration of the Northern Region), and the white movement itself.

Kolchak and Denikin were professional military men, patriots who had their own views on the future of the country. In Soviet historiography, Kolchak is characterized as a reactionary and a hidden monarchist. The image of a liberal who enjoyed the support of the population was created abroad. These are extreme points of view. During interrogations at the Irkutsk Cheka in 1920, Kolchak stated that he did not know about many facts of the ruthless attitude towards workers and peasants on the part of his punishers. Perhaps he was telling the truth. But it is difficult to talk about support for his policies in Siberia and the Urals, if out of approximately 400,000 Red partisans of that time, 150,000 acted against him, and among them were 4-5% of wealthy peasants, or, as they were then called, kulaks.

The Kolchak government created the punitive apparatus based on the traditions of pre-revolutionary Russia, but changing the names: instead of the gendarmerie - state security, police - militia, etc. The managers of punitive authorities in the provinces in the spring of 1919 demanded “not to comply with legal norms created for peacetime, but to proceed from expediency”. This was true, especially during punitive operations. General Sakharov, by order to the army of October 12, 1919, demanded that every tenth hostage or resident be shot, and also in the event of armed uprisings against the military: “such populated areas should be immediately surrounded, all residents shot, and the village itself destroyed to the ground.” "A year ago, - wrote the Minister of War of the Kolchak government A. Budberg in his diary on August 4, 1919, - the population saw us as deliverers from the harsh captivity of the commissars, and now they hate us as much as they hated the commissars, if not more; and, what’s even worse than hatred, it no longer believes us, it doesn’t expect anything good from us.”.

The White Terror turned out to be as meaningless in achieving its goal as any other. As the commander of US troops in Siberia, General Graves, recalled, “in Eastern Siberia, for every person killed by the Bolsheviks, 100 people were killed by anti-Bolshevik elements” And “The number of Bolsheviks in Siberia by the time of Kolchak had increased many times in comparison with their number at the time of our arrival”.

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PRIVATE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION OF HIGHER EDUCATION EASTERN ECONOMIC-LEGAL HUMANITIES ACADEMY (VEGU Academy) Direction of training 03/46/01 – History Focus (profile) – Historical political science Petrenko Anastasia Olegovna COURSE WORK Red and white terror in the Civil War Supervisor Bob Yleva Natalya Mikhailovna UFA 2016

Contents Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………….…. 3 1. Theoretical basis for studying the current crisis situation in Russia during the revolutionary events of 1917. Consideration of the punitive actions of the two main warring parties of the Civil War: the “Reds” and the “Whites”....... ...........................................................................7 1.1. Revolutionary events of 1917. The collapse of the monarchical system in the Russian Empire and the activities of the Provisional Government. Seizure of power by the Bolsheviks……………...………………………………………………………......7 1.2. Red terror in Russia. Repressive measures against civilians by representatives of the Bolshevik Party and supporters of the Soviets…………………………….……………………………………………………………...... 11 1.3. White terror during the Civil War. Repressive policy of anti-Bolshevik forces……………………………………………………………..17 2. Analysis of repressive methods and organizational structures of terror of both warring parties…………………… ….................................................. ..................23 2.1.Analysis of terrorist methods aimed at intimidating and subjugating the population in the occupied territories ……………………………………………23 2.2 .Consideration of the activities of the punitive authorities of the Bolsheviks and white governments………………………………………………………………………..26 3. Consideration of the process of theoretical and practical study of the topic of terror Civil war in post-Soviet Russia. Teaching and studying the theme of terror 1917-1922. in history lessons at school…………..28 3.1. The process of studying the problem of terror of the Civil War in the conditions of today's Russian science………………………………………………………...28 3.2 .The process of studying the theme of terror during the Civil War of the 1917-1920s. in history lessons at school. Presentation of material to students……………………….32

Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………….34 References……………………………………………………… ………………………...37

Introduction Civil war is the most terrible form of military conflict between various political factions. There are no rights in a civil war. It is impossible to remove responsibility from one side of the conflict and place it entirely on the other, because all participants in this national drama are to blame. Their fault is that they allowed a fratricidal war to begin. The people who, as a result of the coup, took over power over a huge interethnic state and those who tried to regain power with the help of an internal military conflict are full-fledged culprits of the tragedy that the people of Russia experienced in the first quarter of the 20th century. From a purely scientific point of view, the civil war of 1917-1922. can be regarded as the natural finale of a collapsed empire, in which from the beginning of the 20th century. a systemic crisis was growing: the Russo-Japanese War, the revolutionary events of 1905, unfinished reforms, the First World War and what happened during it - the fall of the monarchy, the collapse of the country, the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. All this together led to a split in Russian society at many levels. The result of all this is a fierce internal fratricidal struggle of different political trends, accompanied by foreign intervention and the rampant behavior of numerous gangs. Just as the Civil War was the result of a destroyed empire, so terror becomes a constant companion of this terrible war. The relevance of this topic lies in the need for an objective and comprehensive study of the problem of the use of terror by the two largest military-political formations in the period from 1918-1922. red and white. Today, the most objective and informative of the narrative sources is the monograph of Professor A.L. Litvin "Red and White Terror in Russia 1918-1922." AT 3

In the modern historical, scientific, literary, journalistic and artistic space, a certain trend is emerging: the idealization of the White movement, its ordinary participants and leaders, and, as a contrast to it, the bloody Bolshevik regime, the terrible Red Terror. In the wake of the lifting of any ideological prohibitions and the amount of literature that appeared in the public domain, including emigrant literature, again, as many years ago, the “leaning” in one direction intensified, only the direction changed: whites are the heroes. In this regard, the difficulty arises of an objective, comprehensive study of the problem associated with the study of the topic of terror of the Red and White movements. And this despite the amount of journalistic and memoir literature, historical research that is available today not only to a specialist, but also to any interested person. The purpose of this work is to systematize knowledge on the topic of red and white terror. In this regard, the following tasks were formulated: 1. Study of theoretical data on the history of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, the Civil War and the terrorist methods of the Red and White movements; 2. Comparison of repressive methods and law enforcement agencies of the Red and White movements, which pursued a policy of intimidation of civilians and repressive measures against opponents; 3. Consideration of the process of theoretical and practical study of the topic of terror that occurred during the Civil War in today's historical science; 4. Formation of a possible process for studying “Terror during the Civil War of 1917-1922” in history lessons at school. The object of this work is terror during the Civil War of 1917-1922. 4

The subject of the study is the existing problems in the study of terror used against various categories of citizens, the two most numerous opposing formations of the Civil War of 1917-1922. Among the most famous historical and journalistic works, the following works can be distinguished: S. P. Melgunov “Red Terror in Russia”, “How the Bolsheviks Seized Power”; N.N. Golovin “Russian counter-revolution in 1917 – 1918”; N.S. Kirmel “Special services of the White movement. 1918-1922. Counterintelligence", "Special services of the White movement. 19181922.Intelligence"; L.A. Yuzefovich “Winter road. General A. N. Pepelyaev and anarchist I. Ya. Strod in Yakutia. 1922-1923", "Autocrat of the Desert: Baron R. F. Ungern-Sternberg and the world in which he lived"; A.L. Litvin “Red and White Terror in Russia in 1918-1922”; V. P. Buldakov “Red Troubles. The nature and consequences of revolutionary violence”; S.V. Volkov “Red Terror in Petrograd”, “Red Terror in the South of Russia”, “Red Terror in Moscow”, “Red Terror through the Eyes of Eyewitnesses” (compiler); I.S. Ratkovsky “Red Terror and the activities of the Cheka in 1918”; V.Zh. Tsvetkov “General Alekseev”, “The formation of the Soviet political system. 1917–1941" (team of authors). Over the entire period of studying this issue in historical science, researchers have published many works. The above list of journalism is far from complete. Of the literature used in this work, the work of Professor A.L. most fully and objectively covers the topic of terror of the Civil War. Litvin "Red and White Terror in Russia". As mentioned above, today this is perhaps the most complete scientific work on this issue: Litvin, without taking sides, gives a large-scale picture of terror in the period from 1917 to 1922. Also worthy of attention is the work of the famous historian of the Russian Abroad S.P. Melgunov "Red Terror in Russia". From the title of the book it is clear which direction the author chose for research. Melgunov himself, who was 5

for a long time, in the position of a person arrested and sentenced to death, he could not harbor any positive feelings towards the Bolsheviks, but at the same time, his profession as a historian takes precedence over personal experiences, and he scrupulously and comprehensively studies the tragedy of the Red Terror, relying on the press of that time and the memories of eyewitnesses of the events. But, nevertheless, one cannot help but notice that the scientist’s attitude towards the “white terror” is rather lenient and, for the most part, justifiable. A valuable source for a researcher of this problem are those published not so long ago by Doctor of Historical Sciences S.V. Volkov, collections of memoirs of eyewitnesses and victims of the “Red Terror” in various regions of Russia. In the process of writing course work The works of such scientists as: A.L. were used. Litvin, S.P. Melgunov, I.S. Ratkovsky, G.V. Vernadsky, S.V. Volkov, A.N. Sakharov. The practical significance of this work lies in the fact that a systematized theoretical basis, as well as an analysis of terrorist methods and punitive authorities of the red and white formations, is possible for practical application in the process of studying this topic, both in higher educational institutions and in secondary schools in the classroom stories. The work consists of an introduction, 3 references. 6 sections, conclusion, list

1. The theoretical basis for studying the current crisis situation in Russia during the revolutionary events of 1917. Consideration of the punitive actions of the two main warring parties of the Civil War: “Red” and “White” 1.1. Revolutionary events of 1917. The collapse of the monarchical system in the Russian Empire and the activities of the Provisional government. Seizure of power by the Bolsheviks In 1917, Russia, like many European states, entered an exhausted, warring, unstable country. The World War strained all the forces of the state and society to the limit. Every day social and economic problems became more and more acute. On the eve of the February Revolution, as a result of which monarchical rule in Russia will end, it becomes clear that the war has created a crisis at all levels of society, which the ruling structure is not able to cope with. In February 1917, Russia lost legitimate power, and with it all institutions of power. Formally, the state continues to remain monarchical, but in fact it is already a republic. Revolutionary events broke out spontaneously, and the quick victory of the protesters came as a surprise to many political forces in the country. “Dual power” is being established in Russia. On February 27, in the midst of natural unrest, two opposing authorities were formed: the Provisional Committee of the State Duma, headed by Duma Chairman M.V. Rodzianko and the Provisional Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, representing the interests of workers. The Petrosoviet was headed by the Mensheviks N.S. Chkheidze, M.I. Skobelev and Socialist Revolutionary A.F. Kerensky. A few days later, namely on March 2, 1917, the Provisional Committee of the State Duma formed the Provisional Government 7, headed by

Prince G.E. Lvov, positioning itself as the government for the transitional period until the convening of the Constituent Assembly. Until this moment, real power belonged to the Petrograd Soviet, which in turn recognized the legitimacy of the Provisional Government. On the same day, March 2, an event occurred that affected the fate of the entire country: Nicholas II decides to abdicate the throne in favor of his brother Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, and after the latter’s abdication, power was transferred to the Provisional Government. So, more than 300 years of rule of the Romanov dynasty in Russia ended, and with it the monarchical system itself. With the change of supreme power, the problems bedeviling Russia, exhausted by the war, the food and economic crisis, did not end on their own. The political and national crisis is beginning to develop more and more actively, and unrest at the front is becoming more frequent. Throughout 1917, the issue of war stood at the center of all political demands and became a catalyst for the revolutionary process. In April 1917, V.I. returned from emigration. Lenin literally instantly joins the political struggle. In the “April Theses,” the leader of the Bolshevik Party sets before his supporters the task of transition from the bourgeois to the socialist revolution. In the spring and autumn of 1917, a growing national crisis was observed. The government headed by A.F. Kerensky is catastrophically quickly losing its popularity. This occurs against the backdrop of the disintegration of the army and the reluctance of soldiers to continue the war “to the bitter end”; Bolshevik coup attempts in July 1917; mutiny of General L.G. Kornilov on August 25, 1917, which also speaks of an attempt to seize power, but this time by the military. Attempts to illegally seize power by the Provisional Government were suppressed. At the beginning of autumn, on September 1, 1917, Russia was proclaimed a republic, but this could no longer strengthen the position of the government. 8

At the same time, the influence of the Bolsheviks as a political force began to grow. The slogans “All power to the Soviets!” are beginning to gain popularity among the people. The gradual Bolshevisation of the Soviets begins. On October 25, 1917, a new stage begins in the history of Russia - the socialist, Soviet period. Victory of the radical, revolutionary movement. A detailed analysis and description of the events that occurred on October 25, 1917 in Petrograd, and then in Moscow, is not within the scope of this work. At the same time, it is impossible not to dwell on the consideration of the revolutionary coup, since subsequent events: the Civil War and intervention, the repressive policies of the warring parties are a consequence of October 1917. So, after the summer crisis, the Bolsheviks are heading for an armed seizure of power. The preparations for the uprising were carried out by famous and active members of the Bolshevik Party F.E. Dzerzhinsky, Ya.M. Sverdlov, A.S. Bubnov, M.S. Uritsky, L.D. Trotsky. To lead military operations against the government of the Military Revolutionary Committee, a special troika was allocated, consisting of N.I. Podvoisky, G.I. Chudnovsky and V.A. Antonova-Ovseenko Famous historian and political figure S.P. Melgunov, in his journalistic study “How the Bolsheviks Seized Power,” recreates the picture of October 25, 1917. in Petrograd and the subsequent armed clash in Moscow, which came as a surprise to the Bolsheviks and lasted more than a week, ended with the establishment of Soviet power. Some historians, including Doctor of Historical Sciences S.V. Volkov, assess the Moscow uprising as the beginning of the Civil War. After coming to power, the Bolsheviks developed active political activity. In the very first days, the main decrees prepared by V.I. were ratified. Lenin: about a world “without annexations and indemnities”, Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia, Decree on Land. 9

In the first months after the revolution, the Bolsheviks began, as they say, to “tighten the screws” in the field of legal proceedings. In particular, a reform is being carried out, the purpose of which was the creation of a revolutionary tribunal (revolutionary tribunal), an emergency judicial body, which later became, along with the Cheka and local “chrekcheikas,” a body that carried out the Red Terror. Actually, immediately after the October Revolution and the seizure by the Bolsheviks, they began to impose their policy of coercion. 10 power

1.2. Red terror in Russia. Repressive measures against the civilian population by representatives of the Bolshevik Party and supporters of the Soviets. The Bolsheviks began to carry out punitive measures against civilians, persons declared class enemies, suspected of counter-revolutionary activities after the October Revolution, but the greatest scope of the “Red Terror” was witnessed in the period 1918 - 1922 On November 28, 1917, the Council of People's Commissars approved the prepared V.I. Lenin issued a decree on the arrest of the leaders of the civil war, which, according to the Bolsheviks, were representatives of the Cadet Party. After this, in particular, representatives of the Cadet Party F.F. were arrested. Kokoshkin and A.I. Shingarev, whose fate will be discussed below. At first, after the seizure of power, terror was carried out according to the expression of Professor S.V. Volkova is “quite chaotic.” Individual representatives of the “bourgeoisie” were arrested, both by order of the authorities and arbitrarily - on suspicion of “counter-revolution”, and were often killed on the way to places of detention. Thus, even before the campaign of terror began, on an “official” basis in Petrograd, representatives of the Romanov dynasty were arrested and then executed without trial or investigation: Nicholas II with his family (in Yekaterinburg), Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich (in Perm ), Grand Duchess Elizabeth Konstantinovich, Fedorovna, Konstantin princes of imperial Konstantinovich blood: (junior), Ivan Igor Konstantinovich and Prince Vladimir Pavlovich Paley (in Alapaevsk). A similar fate befell famous politicians F.F. Kokoshkin and A.I. Shingarev, killed by guards at the Mariinsk Prison Hospital in January 11

1918 And on April 1, 1918, General P.K. was shot in Taganrog. Rannenkampf. The shocking murder in Petrograd in March 1918 of three Genglez brothers, sons of the director of the Gatchina Orphanage, also committed without any procedural rules, caused a public outcry. Extrajudicial executions of church representatives are known. Thus, one of the “victims of the revolution” was the clergyman P.I. Skipetrov, shot by the Red Guards in the Alexander Nevsky Lavra. Against the background of all the known murders, the statement of one of the founders and leaders of the Cheka, Ya.Kh., looks absurd, not to say cynical. Peters that before the murder of M.S. Uritsky did not carry out capital punishment in Petrograd. Another famous and “prominent” figure of the Cheka, M.I. Latsis spoke about the terror carried out by the Bolsheviks in the following way: “We are not waging war against individuals. We are exterminating the bourgeoisie as a class...” In Moscow, executions began at the end of 1917, at which time they began to gradually deal with the participants in the October battles, but these actions were not advertised. But already in the first half of 1918, reports of executions periodically began to appear in the press. The exact number of people executed in Moscow (as in any other cities, towns and villages) in the period from 1917-1920 is not known for certain. However, based on the information available to the researcher when studying this problem, we can conclude that, despite the fact that Moscow was one of the main centers of terror, the number of victims here is somewhat less than in Petrograd, Kronstadt, Kyiv, Kharkov, Odessa, Crimea and southern Russia. The first victims of the Red Terror on the very first day of the Decree were former tsarist ministers N.A., arrested and held in Butyrka prison. Maklakov, I.G. Shcheglovitov, A.N. Khvostov, director of the police department S.P. Beletsky, Archpriest John Vostogov and Bishop 12

Efrem (Kuznetsov). They were publicly shot as hostages in Petrovsky Park. The execution of the sentences of the Cheka took place in the already mentioned Petrovsky Park, on Khodynka, in the Khamovniki barracks, as well as in various city cemeteries. Somewhat later, the main place of executions became the territory of the Yauza hospital. The famous scientist-historian G.V. Vernadsky wrote about the Extraordinary Commission: “The Cheka acted ruthlessly and cruelly. One of the most common methods of its work was the taking of hostages from among the population who did not sympathize with the communists. In cases where anti-Bolshevik uprisings broke out - and especially when attempts were made on the lives of communist leaders - the hostages, who, as a rule, were not at all interested in politics and themselves did not show their dissatisfaction with the state authorities in any way, were shot without hesitation. If it was necessary to obtain some information or extract a confession from the victim, the Cheka employees did not disdain torture when they considered their use necessary...” In 1918, after the Left Socialist-Revolutionary rebellion and a series of assassination attempts on the leaders of the revolution, V. Volodarsky, M.S. Uritsky, V.I. Lenin, the Cheka becomes the highest body in the fight against counter-revolution. On June 6, 1918, a decree reinstating the death penalty was published and local Chekas became organs of terror. On August 30, 1918, an attempt was made on V.I. Lenin in Moscow, and in the “cradle of the revolution” - Petrograd, on the same day, student Leonid Kannegiser, killed the chairman of the Petrograd Cheka M.S. Uritsky. After these events, the Bolsheviks officially proclaimed the decree of September 5, 1918 “On the Red Terror.” In addition to this resolution, the Council of People's Commissars also approves the creation of camps in order to protect the revolution from class enemies. Probably, the Bolsheviks simply decided to take advantage of the situation to create “official” conditions for carrying out their repressive policies. 13

In the first days of September, in most district and provincial cities, several dozen people were shot at a time, in Petrograd and the surrounding area - several hundred. Another evidence of those events of 1918 was left by G.V. Vernadsky in his work “Russian History”: “... in the winter of 1917-1918. The Cheka dealt with many victims, but the Red Terror reached its apogee only in the fall of 1918 after a series of attempts on the lives of the Bolshevik leaders...” The Council of People’s Commissars’ resolution on the Red Terror gave the right to tighten terrorist actions, spreading them to all social groups, making terror widespread. Thus, the nobility and Cossacks were subject to liquidation, other segments of the population were warned. Since the second half of 1918, terror has been openly promoted. Terror turns, as Melgunov puts it, “...into a bloody, unbridled massacre.” This is what L.B. said on December 31, 1919. Kamenev, future victim of Stalin's terror of the 30s. : “Our terror was forced, this is not the terror of the Cheka, but of the working class.” The amazing ability of the Bolsheviks to justify their most terrible actions. The practice of hostage-taking was actively spreading, which was carried out not only in Petrograd and Moscow, but also in the territory of Russia that was controlled by the Bolshevik authorities. Wives and children were arrested for relatives - officers who participated in the white movement S.P. Melgunov also talks about the execution of children from 8-14 years old, which was practiced by the Special Department of the Cheka under the leadership of M.S. Kedrova. S.P. Melgunov recalls: “I remember these nights in 1920 in Butyrka prison before the amnesty issued on the anniversary of the October Revolution. They didn’t have time to bring the naked corpses of those shot in the back of the head to the Kalitnikovskoye cemetery..." 14

Members of the Romanov dynasty would be arrested as hostages and then shot in January 1919: Grand Dukes Georgy Mikhailovich, Dmitry Konstantinovich, Nikolai Mikhailovich and Pavel Alexandrovich; as well as Major General of the Fleet A.N. Rykov. Another of the Romanovs, the prince of the imperial blood, Gabriel Konstantinovich, was held hostage in the Peter and Paul Fortress. Only thanks to the decisive actions of A.R.’s wife. Nesterovskaya, he safely escaped execution and entered the border. On January 24, 1919, the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR adopted a directive on carrying out “mass” terror against the Cossacks, best known as “decossackization.” The fate of Crimea after the departure of the army of General P.N. is also known. Wrangel and it would seem that with this the end of the Civil War. At that time, some of the military remained in Crimea, who did not leave the peninsula for one reason or another, and the civilian population also continued to live on the territory of Crimea. The part of the population that made up its elite was largely subjected to repression on the peninsula: the military, cultural and political intelligentsia. As usual, in such a case, the repressions were sanctioned from Moscow. The leaders of the punitive actions were the Chairman of the Crimean Revolutionary Committee Bela Kun, the Secretary of the Crimean Regional Committee of the RCP (b) R.S. Zemlyachka, heads of special departments of the Cheka, fronts and armies E.G. Evdokimov, V.N. Mantsev, K.Kh. Danishevsky, N.M. Bystrykh and others. After the occupation of Crimea by the Bolsheviks in 1920, there are known cases of extermination of disabled people and sick people who were taken to the place of execution from the Red Cross hospital. One of the witnesses to such arbitrariness was the working Bolshevik doctor S.V. Konstansov The Kharkov Cheka was also famous for its cruelty, where commandant S.A. carried out his “fair revolutionary trial”. Sayenko, who died safely in 1973, left behind a terrible memory. Viktor Smaznov, a participant in the Civil War, recalled his “activities”, 15

probably a Cossack (not known for certain), in the essay “In the Kharkov Emergency.” These memoirs, published in 1939 in the magazine “Free Cossacks”, were again presented to the public in the collection “Red Terror in the South of Russia” edited by S.V. Volkova. Despite all the above examples, those that remained unmentioned, extrajudicial killings in the revolutionary years, reliable statistics of victims of the Red Terror do not exist. The arbitrariness of all the warring parties to the conflict did not contribute to its creation. 16

1.3. White terror during the Civil War. Repressive policy of anti-Bolshevik forces Historian S.P. Melgunov, speaking about white terror, gave the following description of this phenomenon: “excesses based on unbridled power and revenge.” Comparing the two directions of terrorist policy during the Civil War, the researcher emphasizes that white terror did not come directly from the command bodies of white power, unlike the red terror. White terror, like any other manifestation of violence against people, regardless of their nationality or religion, cannot be justified by any necessity. When studying this topic, a problem arises due to the insufficient number of sources available to the researcher. There are many eyewitness memories of the Red Terror of the Bolsheviks, which, although they may sometimes be quite subjective, still give an idea of the current situation during the period of events described. Historians are trying to compare the “red” and “white” terror, to compare both of these criminal regimes. In the summer of 1918, armed anti-Soviet uprisings began in a number of Volga cities of Yaroslavl, Rybinsk and Murom. Having captured part of the city, the leaders of the rebellion began terrorizing Soviet party workers. The victims of the rebels were the commissioner of the military district S. M. Nakimson and the chairman of the executive committee of the city council D. S. Zakiym. 200 arrested were taken to the “death barge” stationed on the Volga. These events became the beginning of the “white” terror. Particularly notorious was the phenomenon of the Civil War called “Atamanshchina” - uncontrolled armed formations. In a broad sense, “atamanism” is interpreted as a synonym for “white Bolshevism”, i.e. autocracy, arbitrariness, abuse of power 17

In a narrower sense, “atamanism” means a type of white volunteer movement with the participation of the Cossacks. In 1918, detachments of esauls of the Siberian Cossack army B.V. Annenkov and I.N. operated in Siberia. Krasilnikova. In the Far East important role Two semi-partisan detachments played: the Russian-foreign “Special Manchurian detachment” of the captain of the Transbaikal army G.M. Semenov and the “Special Cossack detachment” of the centurion of the Ussuri army I.P. Kalmykov. For a more precise conversation, it is worth explaining that in the full sense of the word, the detachments of these “atamans” were not any Cossack units. They did not have veche free Cossack traditions. The creators of these detachments, career officers, firmly maintained unity of command. The actions of these Cossack associations, which brutally dealt with not only supporters of the Soviets and the Bolshevik underground, but also terrorized the civilian population, remained in the history of Russia forever. B.V. “fought” in the Urals, Siberia, and the Far East. Annenkov (1890-1927), at the end of 1919 the commander of Kolchak’s separate Simirechensk army, hiding behind the motto: “We have no prohibitions!” God and Ataman Annenkov are with us, cut right and left!” His punitive detachments committed atrocities against the civilian population. In 1918, the Slavgorod-Chernodolsk outbreak broke out with the “Annenkovites”. The uprising was brutally suppressed. Thus, historian A. Litvin writes about this event: “On September 11, 1918, Annenkov’s “hussars” tortured and killed up to 500 people. Among them were 87 delegates of the peasant congress, who, on Annenkov’s orders, were hacked to death on the Slavgorod square in front of the people’s house and buried in a hole there. The village of Cherny Dol, in which the headquarters of the rebels was located, was burned to the ground, even the wives and children of the peasants were shot, fought and hanged on poles. Girls from Slavgorod and its environs were brought to Annenkov’s train, which was located at the city station, raped, and then shot.” 18

Materials on this uprising will become the basis of the investigative case against B.V., which began in 1926. Annenkova. Annenkov was tried in 1927 in Semipalatinsk, and there, by court verdict, he was shot on August 12, 1927. Another famous Cossack ataman and participant in the White movement, A.I. Dutov also adhered to a tough repressive policy. On April 3, 1919, by this time commanding a separate Orenburg army, A.I. Dutov gives the order to resolutely shoot and take hostages for the slightest unreliability. A few months later, namely on May 9, 1918, after the Cossacks captured the village of Aleksandrov-Gaya by Ataman Dutov, 96 captured Red Army soldiers were buried alive. In total, 675 people were executed in the village by various methods. On May 27, 1918, a regime of terror was established in Chelyabinsk and Troitsk, and later on July 3 in Orenburg. In one Orenburg prison there were more than 6 thousand prisoners, of which about 500 were killed during interrogations. In Chelyabinsk, the “Dutovites” shot or transported 9 thousand people to prisons in Siberia. According to Soviet periodicals, in Troitsk, “Dutovites” shot about 700 people in the first weeks after the capture of the city. In Ilek they killed 400 people. Such mass executions were typical for Dutov’s Cossack troops. In August 1918, A.I. Dutov established the death penalty for resisting the authorities or deviation from military service. But perhaps the most famous of the Cossack atamans of the White movement was G.M. Semenov. “Semyonovshchina” is the largest and most politicized version of “Atamanshchina”. Semyonov actively laid claim to supreme power, and at the end of 1919, after numerous conflicts, he became the commander-in-chief of all rear troops of Kolchak’s army. Semyonov acted brutally in carrying out his plans. His punitive actions cannot be justified. Not only captured Red Army soldiers were punished, but also, as is typical for both opposing sides of this war, residents of settlements who were suspected of assisting the Bolsheviks or Red partisans. Many years after the events of the Civil War, in 1946, the 19th century began in the USSR.

the trial of the “Semenavtsy”, the main defendant in which will be Ataman G.M. himself. Semenov. During the investigation, he will openly talk about how, on his orders, people suspected of being loyal to the Soviets were shot, villages were burned, and civilians were robbed. Major General L.F., who once served under Semenov’s command. Vlasyevsky also pointed out that the military formations of Ataman Semenov terrorized the local population and brutally dealt with anyone suspected of assisting or sympathizing with the Bolsheviks. Separately, Vlasevsky noted the divisions of Baron Ugern and Tirbach. In 1918, Colonel M.A., captured near Belaya Glina, was killed. Zhebrak, the response to this murder was the order of the commander of the 3rd division of the Volunteer Army M. G. Drozdovsky to shoot about 1000 captured Red Army soldiers. Quite a lot important has the activities of another famous leader of the White movement - Ataman P.N. Krasnov (1869 – 1947). This is what Candidate of History I.S. Ratkovsky writes in his book “Red Terror and the Activities of the Cheka in 1918”: “In the territories controlled by P.N. Krasnov, according to the Soviet press (for example, the Pravda newspaper) , the total number of victims in 1918 reached more than 30 thousand people. “I forbid arresting workers, but order them to be shot or hanged; I order all the arrested workers to be hanged on the main street and not removed for three days" - these inhuman words from the orders of the Krasnov esaul commandant of the Makeevsky district dated November 10, 1918.” In addition to the Cossack atamans, other participants in the White movement also carried out repressive measures. So, 2 weeks after coming to power, the Supreme Ruler of Russia, Admiral A.V. On December 3, 1918, Kolchak (1874 - 1920) signed a decree on the widespread introduction of the death penalty. These actions can be interpreted as a severe necessity in the conditions of the Civil War, but at the same time, the victims of these decisions were often people innocent of what they were accused of 20

On April 5, 1919, the commander of the Western army, one of the leaders of the White movement, General M.V. Khanzhin (1871-1961) ordered all peasants to surrender their weapons, otherwise all those responsible would be shot and their property and houses burned. Mass executions of prisoners of war were carried out with the consent of generals R. Gaida (1892-1948) and S.P. Rozanova (1869-1937) Another example of an inhumane order from the white high command. October 12, 1919 General K.N. Sakharov, the commander of the Western army, issues an order requiring the execution of every tenth hostage or resident, and in the event of a mass armed uprising against the army, the execution of all residents and the burning of the entire village to the ground. The repressive policy pursued by the government of General Denikin was similar to that pursued by Kolchak and other military dictators. The police located in the territory controlled by Denikin were called state guards. After the capture of Odessa, the Whites brutally dealt with the Bolsheviks. Actually, just like the Reds, they did not stand on ceremony with their political opponents and their associates when occupying this or that territory. Future leader of the EMRO and commander of the 1st Army Corps in Gollipoli A.P. Kutepov (1882-1930) was known for his tough character. Back in December 1919, during the occupation of Rostov-on-Don by the Whites, the general ordered prisoners of the local prison to be hanged from lamp posts along the main street. Later, already in evacuation, in Gallipoli, he will also brutally suppress any disobedience and decay in the units subordinate to him. The attitude towards prisoners of war was also cruel. The punitive policy of the whites was not much different from the actions of the reds. For example, both the Bolsheviks and the Whites practiced the use of so-called “Death Barges”. Floating prisons for which river vehicles were equipped, most often 21

total cargo barges. Cargo barges, used as floating prisons, were used in the punitive practice of both the Whites and the Reds. In 1918, two barges were installed on the Kama, which became the location for all the “extra” prisoners. In one of them, within a few days, out of 600 prisoners, 150 people were killed. There are known cases when a barge, during the retreat of the whites, was burned along with the people on it. Barges were also places where prisoners were housed in Siberia, during the period of white governments. Such massive illegal reprisals against political opponents were typical during the Civil War, both red and white. 22

2. Analysis of repressive methods and organizational structures of terror of both warring parties 2.1. Analysis of terrorist methods aimed at intimidating and subjugating the population in the occupied territories. This paragraph will examine certain aspects of the terrorist policy of the Whites and Reds, such as: arrests, organization of prisons, hostage-taking, organization of concentration camps. For more visual examples of terrorist methods, those used in Table 1 are presented by the warring parties during the Civil War Table 1. Common force methods of the Bolsheviks and White Guards Red terror White terror Executions Hostages Torture Concentration camps Confiscation of property Expulsion from the country Executions Hostages Torture Concentration camps Confiscation of property - Judging by the historical sources available today (journalistic, historical works, memoirs, photographic documents), executions are becoming the most common method of eliminating a person. The practice included mass executions of the “class enemy,” imprisonment in concentration camps, and hostage-taking. The Cheka received the right to execute without trial, which it actively used. These methods of the Anti-Soviet camp were also practiced by white counterintelligence. did not lag behind with similar measures - all the same reprisals, dungeons, victims. 23

As mentioned above, the institution of hostages received its greatest development immediately after September 5, 1918, although even before that day, of course, the Bolsheviks arrested “class enemies”: “bourgeois”, intelligentsia, etc. Arrests took place, as a rule, at night, along with a search in the apartment of the person who was subject to arrest. So, in the memoirs of Princess A.R. Romanova (Nesterovskaya), the wife of the prince of imperial blood Gabriel Konstantinovich, is given a picture of a typical night visit of commissars for that time. In addition, the Bolsheviks also practiced raids, during which people from various segments of the population were arrested and taken hostage. The main places of the Peter and Paul Fortress, the detention of “Crosses” in and Petrograd transit - in addition to the prison (House of Pretrial Detention) on Shpalernaya 25 - were the arrest premises on Gorokhovaya, 2 (here was the Petrograd Provincial Cheka), the Deryabinsky Barracks on Vasilyevsky Island were converted into prisons , as well as a prison hospital on Goloday Island. Physical torture was used in all institutions mentioned in this work. All this was aimed at humiliating human dignity and causing him bodily suffering and, as one can judge, such actions were not always carried out in order to find out the information of interest to investigators. Thus, the famous Kharkov security officer Sayenko gained a reputation as a sadist who used the most sophisticated torture during his interrogations. The security officer M.S. will go to the North to organize the first concentration camps and implement the policy of “red terror” in the Arkhangelsk, Vologda, Vyatka regions (provinces), as well as in Karelia. Kedrov. Near Kholmogory in 1921. a concentration camp will begin to operate, as well as in Ukhta, Vologda, Arkhangelsk. The memoirs of an eyewitness to 24 events, published by S.P., have been preserved.

Melgunov: “In Arkhangelsk, Kedrov, having gathered 1200 officers, puts them on a barge near Kholmogory and then machine gun fire opens on them - up to 600 were killed!” . As for the practice of arrests of White governments in the territories they occupied, they often occurred on the basis of denunciations or organized search operations to identify communists, employees of Soviet institutions, and military experts of the Red Army, as happened in Arkhangelsk after the anti-Bolshevik coup and the occupation of the city by Allied troops. Those arrested were, as a rule, taken to Arkhangelsk prison. The punishment was execution or sent to hard labor in the Mudyug camp established in 1918. As can be seen from the above, the repressive policies of both the Whites and the Reds consisted of identical terrorist methods, the only exception being forced deportation from the country, which was used by the Bolsheviks. But again, this version of punishment was the exception rather than the rule. The most famous act of expulsion from Russia was the forced expulsion of members of the intelligentsia in 1922, initiated by Lenin. Representatives of the white government, during the Civil War, for natural reasons could not use this method. Another significant difference in the practice of terror was that the whites, unlike the reds, did not proclaim terror as their state policy and did not openly call for violent actions. 25

2.2. Consideration of the activities of the punitive authorities of the Bolsheviks and white governments. This chapter will examine the organizational structures pursuing the policy of terror. The Bolshevik Cheka and the White counterintelligence as the two main punitive bodies that left a terrible memory of themselves and the events of 1917-1922. among the people. At the end of 1917, on the initiative of F.E. Dzerzhinsky will create the Cheka institution, which over time in Russian history has become a symbol of terror, repression and ruined human destinies. So, many years later, historian G.V. recalled the “Punitive Sword of the Revolution”. Vernadsky: “The atrocities committed by the Cheka during that period were not random violations of the law... The official activities of the Cheka were directed against the bourgeoisie. However, in reality, the Cheka exterminated everyone it suspected of resisting the Soviet government. Its victims were not limited to representatives of the upper and middle classes, they included peasants, often workers...” Revolutionary tribunals (revolutionary tribunals) are emergency judicial bodies that existed in Soviet Russia in 1918 - 1923. Revolutionary tribunals, along with the Cheka and local emergency commissions, carried out the Red Terror. More than a dozen concentration camps were organized in Moscow, of which the following can be distinguished: Novospassky, Andronevsky, Ivanovsky, Rozhdestvensky, Znamensky, Andreevsky, Kozhukhovsky, Novo-Peskovsky, Pokrovsky, Ordynsky, Vladykinsky, etc. There is reason to believe that on the territories of these monasteries there were also executions. On December 7, 1917, on the initiative of F.E. Dzerzhinsky, who also became the first chairman, the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK) was created to combat counter-revolution, profiteering, and sabotage. Popularly, this organization becomes known as “Emergency”, “Che-Ka” or as 26

gives another example by S.P. Melgunov deciphering the abbreviation: “VChK - Kaput to Every Man.” Initially, the Cheka was created as an investigative body; its repressive measures were limited to confiscation of property. Gradually, unlimited power is concentrated in the hands of the Cheka: the right to take hostages, conduct searches and investigations, pronounce sentences and carry them out. The Cheka becomes the main conductor of terror, but its implementation was supervised by the Bolshevik leadership. During the Civil War, the Cheka was led by Dzerzhinsky, Peters, and Ksenofontov. Diagram 1 shows the organizational structure of the terror of the white and red movements in 1917-1920. Scheme 1. Repressive bodies 1917-1920. Organizational structure of terror Red terror Cheka White terror Counterintelligence Revolutionary tribunals Military courts Increasingly, researchers place “white” counterintelligence on a par with the Bolshevik Che-KA, which also mercilessly pursued its repressive policy against many categories of citizens in the occupied territory. Counterintelligence carried out its duties on the basis of a whole range of sources: reports from its own agents; police agencies; observations, radio interception; information provided by private individuals. 27

Obtaining information from allied counterintelligence services, which were, by and large, competitors. The main Bolshevik counterintelligence forces were underground, which were aimed at fighting a serious threat to the security of the White Guard regime. In this regard, the introduction of repressive measures, field trials, executions, and imprisonment begins. In January 1920 during interrogations in Irkutsk, Supreme Ruler Admiral A.V. Kolchak said that people were recruited to serve in counterintelligence “... completely unprepared for such work... and the grounds on which the actions of the counterintelligence bodies were carried out were completely arbitrary, not provided for by any rules...”. The actions of counterintelligence outraged many representatives of the generals, since this, for obvious reasons, negatively affected the reputation of all White governments as a whole. But, nevertheless, no one took real measures to regulate the activities of counterintelligence and the political service. In many respects, the question remains open: is white counterintelligence a “synonym” for the Cheka? Or is it a fundamentally different organization? Based on the above, then again the methods used in both the Cheka and counterintelligence are of the same type. It is unknown how developed the practice of physical pressure on those arrested was, but there is no doubt about its use, knowing in general the violent policy of various military formations of the White governments. 28

3. Consideration of the process of theoretical and practical study of the theme of terror of the Civil War in post-Soviet Russia. Teaching and studying the theme of terror 1917-1922. in history lessons at school 3.1. The process of studying the problem of terror of the Civil War in the conditions of today's Russian science The historical and historiographic study of the problems of the civil war in general and terror in particular, throughout the entire period of the Soviet Union, was very subjective and one-sided. Back in the 1920s, a very short time after the war, in domestic science, due to the predominance of ideological attitudes, researchers in their works began to address only the problem of “white” terror. For many years, the dominant position in historical science will be occupied by the dogma that “the red terror was a response to the white terror.” With the collapse of the USSR, the ideological attitudes of researchers and science in general also become a thing of the past. Domestic historiography began to study all previously “forbidden” topics: the October Revolution, the Red Terror during the Civil War, the famine of the early 30s. in a number of regions of the country, dispossession and deportation of the peoples of Russia, Stalinist terror, etc. In general, everything that was not subject to comprehensive and reliable research in the Soviet Union. In addition, archives are beginning to be opened, although even today specialists do not have access to all documents. Historians are also beginning to study and publish about the White movement and its leaders, who in Soviet historical science were presented in only one color scheme. More objective information also appears on the phenomenon of “white” terror of the Civil War. In domestic historical science in the Soviet Union, the main attention, as already mentioned, was paid to the problem of “white” terror, as a punitive policy of former tsarist generals. But at the same time, studying 29

social confrontation and terror during the Civil War, in addition to Soviet historians, was carried out by emigrant historians and foreign historians. Today, these studies are becoming available not only to researchers, but also to a wider audience. The most famous emigrant historian is Sergei Pavlovich Melgunov, who devoted his research work to collecting and systematizing information about the “red” terror of the Bolsheviks and related topics. In today's Russian historical science, the problems of the Civil War continue to be actively studied, and the punitive actions of various warring parties in this internal war are studied. It is worth noting that in addition to purely desk, archival and journalistic work, today in the system of studying the history of the Civil War and the accompanying terrorist policies, archaeological work related to the discovery of mass graves is also beginning to be practiced. Thus, for several years archaeological work was carried out on the territory of the Peter and Paul Fortress. This was due to the fact that the remains of victims of the “Red Terror” were discovered here. The first burials were discovered on Hare Island back in 1988 during repair work. Investigating the terrible finds, experts came to the conclusion that the human remains had lain in the ground for about 100 years. Almost 20 years later, in 2007, under similar circumstances, another burial was discovered between the Kronverkskaya embankment and the wall of the Golovkin Bastion. In addition to the remains, fragments of military uniforms dating from 1907 to 1916 were also found in this burial. There are no documents about the events that took place in the Peter and Paul Fortress in the period 1917-1919. A couple of years later, in 2009, human remains were again discovered near the wall of the Golovkin Bastion; after inspection, it became clear that there was a collective burial in this place. In addition to bone remains, fragments of clothing and 30 other items were also found in the grave.

finds. Military costume experts were brought in to work on this site. Researchers carried out long and painstaking work to identify those buried in a mass grave. The archives were examined to see if they contained any documents containing information about those arrested and executed during this period of time and in this place; The press of 1917-1919 was studied, in which execution lists could be published. Anthropological analyzes carried out separately for each of the found graves yielded their own results, for example, more accurate age categories of those killed. As a result of archaeological prospecting work on the territory of the Peter and Paul Fortress in 2009–2010. 7 burial sites of victims of the “Red Terror” of 1918-1919 were discovered and explored. – at least 110 people. Anthropological and age-sex analysis of the buried allowed us to draw the conclusion that the overwhelming number of those buried were men. Judging by the bones and fragments of women's clothing, we can tentatively talk about 56 women. More than half of the men are aged from 25-40 years, then 40-50 years old, a small group is aged from 18-20 and over 55 years. One teenager is under 18 years old. The case of the “Royal Family” also received public attention, in particular the identification of bone remains discovered separately from the general burial in Ganina Pit. The urgent question is whether these remains belong to Tsarevich Alexei and Grand Duchess Maria, who were shot in July 1918; apparently, it still remains open 31

3.2. The process of studying the theme of terror during the Civil War of the 1917-1920s. in history lessons at school. Presenting material to students During history lessons, the teacher will have to talk to students about a difficult, tragic period in the history of Russia. How can we do this in a more accessible form for a teenager to understand and perceive? When studying this topic, it is necessary to instill in the minds of children the axiom of non-acceptance of war and the use of force to resolve social, military, and political conflicts. Through the prism of the tragedy of the civil war as a people's misfortune, in which there are no winners or those who are right in their actions, students will have to draw a conclusion for themselves about the need to choose other, non-forceful ways to resolve political and social issues in modern society. With the help of various materials that the teacher has at his disposal: historical sources, works of art, photographic documents, eyewitness memories, it is necessary to recreate, as far as possible, a reliable picture of the events of that period. The most pressing question in this whole topic of the Civil War and terror is: who is to blame? It is impossible to give a definite answer to this question. All those who participated in this fratricidal war are guilty, they are guilty for allowing this to happen. Students must understand that the very posing of the question “who is to blame?” immoral, and the main value in the world is not any ideology, but human life. When studying this topic, full of terrible and difficult moments in which there was so much evil, injustice, violence, humiliation of human dignity, children develop a deep sense of empathy, heightened justice, denial of violence and rejection of evil. In achieving such a perception of all facets of the national tragedy of the Civil War, students will be helped by examples from artistic culture: literature, films, fine arts, etc. 32

To form a picture for teenagers of the events that took place almost 100 years ago, you can turn not only to historical works, but also to fiction telling about that period. So, you can read and analyze excerpts from such works as: “The Sun of the Dead” by I.S. Shmeleva, “Quiet Don” by M. A. Sholokhov, “Doctor Zhivago” by B.L. Pasternak, poetry by M. A. Voloshin, M.I. Tsvetaeva, “The White Guard” and “Running” by M.A. Bulgakov, “Cursed Days” by I.A. Bunin, etc. To immerse themselves in the era, students can be offered to work with the texts of Bolshevik decrees: “on the Red Terror,” “order on hostages,” “order No. 171 on the fight against “Antonovism,” etc.; as well as orders from representatives of the White movement. Read excerpts from journalism on the topic being studied: S.P. Melgunov, A.L. Litvin, I.S. Ratkovsky, etc. Viewing photographic documents will also contribute to immersion in the topic and atmosphere of the time. There are no “easy” and “simple” topics when studying the history of any country, including Russia. But topics related to violence, humiliation of human dignity, and mass repression of civilians are especially difficult to perceive. Students, during conversations in class, must come to the conclusion and realize that it is very easy to unleash such conflicts that turn into a national tragedy, which means it is necessary to make sure that this never happens again. 33

Conclusion Sometimes it seems that the Civil War is not over yet. From the battle fronts it moved into society, continuing to divide people into whites and reds, right and wrong, criminals and victims, winners and losers. Perhaps this is due to the fact that in Russia they still cannot remember all the victims of that terrible fratricidal war, which once and for all turned the history of the entire country upside down, killing and maiming some, and making others outcasts. The civil war is a national tragedy and the past must not be allowed to be forgotten, but at the same time, the echo of war must stop resounding in souls and thoughts with hatred towards the opposite side of the conflict. We must remember the most tragic moments of history, the reasons that led to the catastrophe of a person who was capable of such horrors so that it would never happen again. Many participants in the Civil War are known to history; as a rule, these are leaders of various warring parties and political trends. But at the same time, the names of people who suffered from terrorist tyranny, victims of the repressive policies of the Bolsheviks, the White government, Makhnovists, etc. are little known. The same applies to exact numbers - there are none, there are no statistics on those shot, hanged, or tortured in the Cheka and counterintelligence. drowned on barges, Today much is known about the execution of the Royal Family and the murders of other members of the House of Romanov, famous political figures and artists, clergy, military experts, scientists, but how many more human destinies and lives were lost in the whirlwind of one of the most terrible local conflicts in history unknown. For a productive dialogue, first of all, it is necessary to have reliable and objective information on the issues of both types of terror. 34

As has been said more than once above, the problem of white terror is poorly reflected in the works of modern historians. While the Red Terror receives much more attention from modern researchers. Starting to become interested in the topic of the punitive policy of the whites, the first thing that comes into view is the works of Soviet authors, who, as we know, are overly ideological. After the collapse of the USSR, a “flow” of previously prohibited literature came to Russia, including journalistic studies by emigrant authors, including S.P. Melgunov, whose works have already been mentioned more than once in this work. One of the most famous books of the Russian diaspora was the book by investigator N.A., published in 1990 in Russia. Sokolov “The Murder of the Royal Family”, which is a description of the investigation into the execution of Nicholas II and his family in Yekaterinburg. To date, the most complete study of the problem of red and white terror during the Civil War is the work of A.L. Litvin “Red and White Terror in Russia 1918 – 1922”, also used to write this work. There is relatively little information or memories left about the repressive actions of representatives of the White governments, compared with what we have today from the literature about the Red Terror. Speaking about the material about the punitive policy of the Bolsheviks, it is especially worth noting a series of collections published under the editorship of the famous historian S.V. Volkova are the memoirs of eyewitnesses and participants in events, published at different periods of time outside of Russia, and today published under one cover. The Iris Press publishing house created the “White Russia” series, which includes books by famous representatives of the Russian emigration. The collections in question include memoirs of people who survived the Cheka prisons, who lost relatives and friends during the years of terror in Petrograd, Moscow, and the south of Russia. It is possible that today these journalistic collections of memoirs are some of the most significant evidence of the Bolshevik terror that is available to the public. It is necessary to conduct research on the activities of Bely 35

movements in the occupied territories of Siberia, what is known today, as a rule, is of a generalized nature. Today's society is sharply divided, as it was many years ago, into reds and whites. Priority is given to the latter, forgetting (or not knowing) about exactly the same cruel activities against both prisoners and civilians as on the part of the Bolsheviks. The only difference is in the ideology of these movements. As can be seen from the text of the proposed work, the methods and organizational structures that carried out terror on both the one side and the other are identical. The differences can probably only be in the massive scale of such operations and the number of victims, although all available figures are mostly arbitrary, and it is most likely not necessary to find out reliable data. Neither the Reds nor the Whites kept statistics of their victims. No one needed evidence that so eloquently testified to these bloody regimes. The purpose of the presented work was to systematize knowledge on the topic of terror of the white and red movements during the Civil War. To achieve this goal, it was necessary to solve a number of previously formulated tasks. Thus, in conclusion of this work, we can say that, based on the sources available to the author, a theoretical framework on the topic “Red and White Terror during the Civil War” was systematized, which reveals aspects of the repressive policies of the Red and White movements. In addition, a comparative analysis of the methods and existing power structures of both warring sides was carried out. During this comparison, identity features emerged in the methods of violent politics and the importance of punitive authorities. The process of theoretical and practical study in today's historical science of the theme of terror of the Civil War was also considered, which is especially important in connection with the upcoming anniversaries of the events being studied. Most theoretical and practical studies 36

comes down to working in archives, digitizing and publishing materials on the issue being studied. The process of teaching this topic in an educational institution, in particular in high school, deserves special attention. The problem with terror is that this topic can be interpreted from different points of view, and it is very important that the material available to the teacher and received from various sources is taught to students from as objective a position as possible. Thus, while studying the history of the Civil War at Higher School, Research Institute; While studying archival documents, it is important not to lose sight of how the same topic is studied in today’s Russian schools. It is important to present young emerging personalities with information in a detailed, objective form, helping children independently draw conclusions, compare and analyze events that have occurred from the heights of past years. Disputes continue to rage in society about the burial of Lenin’s body; these debates are especially relevant against the backdrop of the possible burial of the remains of the bodies of Tsarevich Alexei and Grand Duchess Maria. Increasingly, the opinion is expressed that this will be another step towards reconciliation, farewell to the Civil War, which has not let go of people to this day. 37

LIST OF REFERENCES Monographs, textbooks, teaching aids 1. Vernadsky, G.V. Russian history: Textbook. allowance/G.V. Vernadsky - M.: Agraf, 1997. - 544 p. 2. Volkov, S.V. Red terror in Petrograd: Anthology / S.V. Volkov – M.: Iris – press, 2011. – 528 p. 3. Volkov, S.V. Red terror in Moscow: Anthology / S.V. Volkov – M.: Iris – press, 2013. – 496 p. 4. Volkov, S.V. Red Terror in the South of Russia: An Anthology / S.V. Volkov – M.: Iris – press, 2013. – 544 p. 5. Litvin, A.L. Red and White Terror in Russia 1918-1922: Monograph/A.L. Litvin – M.: Eksmo, 2004. – 448 p. 6. Melgunov, S.P. How the Bolsheviks seized power: Monograph / S. P. Melgunov - M.: Iris-press, 2014. – 656 p. 7. Melgunov, S.P. Red terror in Russia.: Monograph / S. P. Melgunov M.: Iris-press, 2008. –408 p. 8. Nesterova, M.B. Domestic history.: Textbook. allowance / M.B. Nesterova - M.: Yurayt, 2013 - 415 p. 9. Ratkovsky, I.S. Red terror and the activities of the Cheka in 1918: Monograph/I.S. Ratkovsky - St. Petersburg: St. Petersburg State University, 2006 - 288 p. 10. Sakharov, A.N. History of Russia from ancient times to the present day: textbook. allowance in 2 volumes. T.2/ A.N. Sakharov – M.: Prospekt, 2008 – 720 p. Articles, scientific publications 11. Sorokin, A.K. “Red terror overshadowed the great victory of Soviet power...” / A.K. Sorokin // Rodina – 2016. - No. 816(8). 38

12. Timerbulatov, D.L. “Barges of Death” in Siberia during the Civil War (1918-1919) / D.L. Timerbulatov // Bulletin of Kemerovo University. – 2011. - No. 4. – P. 57-62 13. Shuldyakov, V.A. Atamanism as a phenomenon of the Civil War in the east of Russia / V.A. Shuldyakov // Bulletin of Novosibirsk State University. – 2006. -No. 1. – S. – 37-41 39

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Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation

Federal State Budgetary Educational Institution of Higher Professional Education

AMUR STATE UNIVERSITY

(FSBEI HPE "AmSU")

Discipline: History

on the topic: Red and white terror

Blagoveshchensk 2012

Introduction

1. Civil war: causes and content

2. Red Terror during the Civil War

3. White terror during the Civil War

4. Comparative characteristics of the policies of White and Red terror

Conclusion

List of sources used

INTRODUCTION

The theme of this work, “Red and White Terror,” will always be relevant, as it contributes to an objective knowledge of the tragic history of Russia for the first time after the fateful revolutions for the country at the beginning of the twentieth century. This topic, one way or another, was considered in many studies of various types, starting from the first years of Soviet power, but these works were far from objective, and only in the 90s did works begin to appear in print that examined the events of the Civil War more objectively.

Violence and terror have always been indispensable companions of the centuries-old history of mankind. But in terms of the number of victims and the legalization of violence, the 20th century has no analogues. This century “owes” first of all to the totalitarian regimes in Russia and Germany, the communist and national socialist governments. Russia has traditionally been one of the countries where the cost of human life was scanty and humanitarian rights were not respected.

Extremely radical socialists -- Bolsheviks Having seized power, proclaiming their immediate task to be the accomplishment of a world revolution in the shortest possible time and the creation of a kingdom of labor, they destroyed the semblance of a rule of law state, establishing revolutionary lawlessness. Never before in history have utopian ideas been introduced into the consciousness of people so cruelly, cynically and bloodily. The policy of violence and terror pursued in Russia Bolsheviks, changed the consciousness of the population.

1. CIVIL WAR: CAUSES AND CONTENT

The essence of civil wars, as a rule, is the struggle for power of political parties, leaders, clans, which entice people with populist promises of a “better” arrangement for their lives, which most often turns into a national tragedy and irreparable losses. These wars arise in countries experiencing economic and political crises. In “prosperous” countries, this is unthinkable. Russia in the 20th century was a “dysfunctional” country; it was plagued by wars, revolutionary upheavals and repressions as a continuation of a permanent civil war. And most importantly - the economic turmoil of the population, the lack of provision and dissatisfaction of the masses of people with their financial and social situation. Drive a man into a corner and he will begin to storm the sky or lie down on the tracks. The feeling of the futility of existence is one of the components of rebellion against the powers that be. In the conditions of malnutrition and unemployment in 1917, a senseless war and government leapfrog, the calls of the Bolsheviks to take away the “loot” from the rich and distribute it to the disadvantaged were more successful than the promises of the Provisional Government to gradually, “legally”, carry out reforms to relieve social tension. The German Chancellor Bismarck was right when more than a hundred years ago he argued that the strength of revolutionaries does not lie in the ideas of their leaders, but in the promise to satisfy at least a small dose of moderate demands that were not promptly implemented by the existing government.

It is known that from 1918 to 1953, over thirty-five years of the 20th century, Russia lost at least a third of its population from wars, famine, disease and repression. During the Civil War, in four years (1918-1922) - thirteen million. Of these, approximately two million people left the country; the losses of the Reds and Whites on the battlefields were approximately the same. 1.5 million Russians became victims of terror, about 300 thousand of them were Jews killed during pogroms carried out by both whites and reds. The remaining seven and a half million civilians died from disease and starvation.

In 1918, state terror arose in Russia in the form of extrajudicial executions and concentration camps. Both the Reds and the Whites succeeded in this. Then violence became widespread, and the individual began to be reduced to the level of material necessary for social experimentation. Never in the history of Russia have such a huge number of people and in such a short period of time experienced such violations of elementary freedoms, becoming victims of tyranny and lawlessness. The intoxication of freedom and permissiveness of some turned into bloody sobering for others. Of course, in the 1930s, when the Reds ruled the country, the extermination of millions of Russians continued under “peaceful conditions,” that is, essentially nothing changed.

Having come to power, the Bolshevik leadership took responsibility for the fate of the people living in the country. The government cannot prevent natural disasters, but it is obliged to help the population overcome them.

The Bolsheviks won the civil war, but their opponents were defeated. But this did not bring either civil peace or stability in society. You can gain power with bayonets, but sitting on them is uncomfortable. With the help of violence, fear, social demagoguery, and organization, the Bolsheviks managed to rule for more than seven decades and create a powerful militarized empire with an impoverished population. They allowed themselves everything: to destroy dissidents, to create a huge Gulag, where among those imprisoned or executed were those who represented the winning party and their opponents, where 90% of the prisoners were workers and peasants. They took racial and anti-Semitic positions, deporting, exterminating and humiliating entire peoples. Such a regime could not last forever. And it collapsed overnight with the complete indifference of the people, just like the autocracy once did. Few people declared their desire to defend the Romanov empire; no one came out to defend the district party committees given the recent presence of millions of communists. The people remained silent during the death of the Tsarist and Bolshevik empires. The regimes one by one became obsolete. Of course, there were big differences between the empires, the main one of which was that in the Bolshevik Empire, private property, the rights and traditions of individuals and peoples were destroyed, people were turned into government employees, and fell into serfdom under a totalitarian form of government.

But even after the collapse of the last empire of the 20th century, flashes of civil war in Russia continue, although its beginning did not foretell such a dramatic outcome or such a temporary duration. After all, it all started quite simply: on January 6, 1918, the Bolsheviks dispersed the Constituent Assembly, which was first democratically elected in the country, and shot a demonstration of its defenders. It was after this that the explosion occurred.

2. RED TERROR DURING THE CIVIL WAR

A powerful ideological basis - the Marxist doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat - was a prerequisite for the future terror. The content of the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the Russian version was modified in close connection with the political situation and the needs of the leading party. In fact, it was used to develop and justify this strategy and tactics, which were carried out by Lenin’s government, based on specific historical conditions.

The concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat was inextricably linked by its authors with revolutionary violence. In K. Marx’s work “The Civil War in France,” F. Engels defined the state as “a machine for the suppression of one class by another.” Without absolutizing violence as a form of political struggle, he nevertheless wrote: “...Violence is the instrument through which a social movement makes its way and breaks petrified, dead political forms. The use of violence by the proletariat was justified in a more comprehensive manner by K. Marx in the Synopsis of M. Bakunin’s book “Statehood and Anarchy”: “As long as other classes exist, especially the capitalist class, as long as the proletariat fights against it,” Marx wrote, “... it must use measures of violence, therefore government measures; if it itself still remains a class and the economic conditions on which the class struggle and the existence of classes are based have not yet disappeared, they must be forcibly eliminated or transformed, and the process of their transformation must be forcibly accelerated.

Here, in a concentrated, condensed form, the most general program for the implementation of the dictatorship of the proletariat is outlined, which then became a direct guide to action for the Leninist apparatus. This program appears to have included: the elimination or transformation of other classes and the economic conditions that support them; violence as a means of this elimination and transformation; government measures as a form of violence. The Bolsheviks could only consistently implement this plan, pursuing the idea that as the political situation became more complicated, the class struggle did not subside over time, but only intensified.

V.I. Lenin, quoting and developing the provisions of K. Marx and F. Engels, dwelled in detail on numerous issues related to the concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The dictatorship of a class, in this case the dictatorship of the proletariat, is conceived by Lenin as a phenomenon incompatible with the democratic norms of society, for example, equality of citizens, legality, ensuring individual rights and similar “bourgeois” institutions and slogans. This position is expressed with particular clarity in his polemical work “The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky.”

Analyzing Kautsky’s work “The Dictatorship of the Proletariat” (1918), Lenin splits the terms “democracy”, “freedom”, “equality”, etc. on the opposites: proletarian or bourgeois democracy, freedom for workers or for exploiters, equality within the same class or for representatives of different classes. The first is accepted, the second is rejected. Each term thus acquires a class content and, accordingly, a positive or negative meaning. This situation essentially predetermined the entire further political and legal line of the Soviet government in relation to non-proletarian parties and sections of the population.

In this regard, the thesis that “the dictatorship of the proletariat is power based directly on violence and not bound by any laws” was very important. In practice, this meant discarding not only the old, tsarist laws, but also disregard for the own legal provisions of the Soviet period, issuing departmental regulations that contradicted them or ignored them.

In the first years of Soviet power, the need for revolutionary violence was linked mainly to the resistance of the exploiting classes. Gradually the circle of classes and social strata against which the proletariat must use revolutionary violence became difficult to discern. These are not only landowners and capitalists, but also the rich part of the peasantry. “Against... the kulaks, as our notorious enemies,” Lenin declared in 1919, “we have only one weapon - violence.” The use of violence against bourgeois specialists used by the Soviet government in the interests of establishing the national economy was not excluded. “To use the entire apparatus of bourgeois, capitalist society - such a task requires not only victorious violence, it requires, moreover, organization, discipline ... in which the bourgeois specialist sees that he has no way out, that it is impossible to return to the old society.” Speaking about specialists, Lenin repeatedly emphasizes the need to combine violence with the organizational and economic activities of the state. However, violence remains the focus.

In the article “Greetings to the Hungarian Workers” (1919), Lenin already speaks of resistance to the revolutionary coup from “the huge mass of workers, including peasants, too clogged with petty-bourgeois habits and traditions.” This also applies to political parties. “If there are hesitations among the socialists who yesterday joined you, the dictatorship of the proletariat, or among the petty bourgeoisie,” he advises the Hungarians, “suppress the hesitations mercilessly. Shooting is the legal fate of a coward in war.” Violence was also directed against some proletarian strata. “Revolutionary violence,” writes Lenin, “cannot help but manifest itself in relation to the shaky, uncontrolled elements of the working masses themselves.”

Thus, the original idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat, formulated by Marx as the task of a temporary transition period, is significantly distorted, loses its clear outlines, and turns into coercion in relation to any part of the people that does not agree with the policy being pursued or does not actively support it.

As to who carries out this dictatorship - the entire working class, its “advanced vanguard” - the party, or state bodies created specifically for this purpose, the position of the Bolsheviks has evolved on this issue. In Lenin's statements in the 1918-1920s, there are statements that the dictatorship is exercised by the entire working class (in particular, through the electoral system of soviets). But already in “Letter to workers and peasants regarding the victory over Kolchak” (1919). Lenin points out quite directly: “The dictatorship of the working class is carried out by the Bolshevik party, which since 1905 and earlier has merged with the entire revolutionary proletariat.” The logic of the Bolsheviks’ actions led to the fact that the function of violence, implemented under the slogan of the dictatorship of the proletariat, was quickly transferred to punitive, repressive bodies. Many statements by Lenin and his associates on issues related to the concept, goals and functions of the dictatorship of the proletariat predetermined both the theoretical and practical activities of the Bolsheviks in the area under consideration.

3. WHITE TERROR DURING THE CIVIL WAR

Currently, the thesis has become widespread that whites, more than reds, tried to adhere to legal norms when carrying out punitive actions. But the legal declarations and resolutions of the confronting parties did not protect the population of the country in those years from tyranny and terror. Neither the decisions of the VI All-Russian Extraordinary Congress of Soviets (November 1918), nor the resolution of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the abolition of the death penalty (January 1920), nor the instructions of the governments of the opposite side could prevent them. Both of them shot, took hostages, and practiced torture. The whites also had institutions - various counterintelligence agencies and military courts, propaganda organizations with intelligence tasks. Already the first acts of violence carried out by the one- and then two-party Soviet government (Bolsheviks and left Socialist Revolutionaries): the closure of newspapers that defended the ideas of February, and not October 1917, the outlawing of the Cadet Party, the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the introduction of the right of extrajudicial struggle for power - caused the rejection of many.

The practice of white terror took place in territories captured by the white movement. There are two hotbeds of the white movement: the south of Russia and the places where the Czechoslovak corps were located. The mutiny of the Czechoslovak corps swept through the territory of the east of Soviet Russia, from the Volga to Pacific Ocean, and overthrew Soviet power everywhere. From the end to mid-September 1918, all of Siberia and the Far East were in the hands of the rebels. According to the general opinion of civil war researchers, terror under the rule of interventionists and “white regimes” nowhere reached such proportions and brutality as in “white” Siberia, including the Far East.

Lenin proceeded from the fact that “the benefit of the revolution, the benefit of the working class is the highest law”, that only he is the highest authority that determines “this benefit”, and therefore can resolve all issues, including the main one - the right to life and activity . The principle of expediency of means used to protect power was guided by Trotsky, Bukharin and others: “Proletarian coercion in all its forms, from executions to labor conscription, is a method of developing communist humanity from the human material of the capitalist era.”

The territories occupied by whites cannot be considered as isolated territories: there was a civil war, which means that the warring parties influenced each other. At the same time and interconnected with the red, white terror dominated the country.

Already in 1918, “terror of the environment” began to reign, when the symmetry of the parties’ actions became inevitably similar. This continued in 1919-1920, when both the Reds and the Whites simultaneously built their dictatorial states. None of the leaders of the warring parties avoided the use of terror against their opponents and civilians.

We often hear that no matter who won the Civil War, they would have done the same thing, because this was a historical necessity. That a white victory would mean the establishment of a military dictatorship (and here it’s hard to disagree), and maybe even something fascist - which is unlikely. Of course, as a result of the victory of the Whites in Russia, prosperity and prosperity would not have come in the air. However, this does not mean that the white mode would not be better than the red one.

First, conditions would have been different after the Civil War. There would be no total devastation: after all, White could only win in 1917-1918, and the main destruction happened in 1918-1920. Russia would have been among the victors of the First World War, and therefore its international status would have been qualitatively different. Historical continuity would be preserved, which is extremely important for socio-economic development.

Secondly, whites would not fight for world revolution, spending the country's resources on it; would not be satisfied with nationalization, surplus appropriation and collectivization; would not pursue a policy of sociocide aimed at eliminating entire social groups; they would not build an ideocratic state subordinated to the solution of abstract problems. A white victory would mean the absence of “negative selection,” as a result of which almost the entire “old regime” social elite was eradicated, and a new one was formed according to distorted criteria.

In other words, the need for emergency measures to reach the level of advanced countries would be several times less. White Russia, relying on a colossal resource base and possessing serious industrial potential that still remained from the empire in 1918, could well have solved pressing socio-economic problems in twenty years. There would be no democracy, of course, but there would be no Gulag and the Comintern. The white path was not ideal, but it would be life-saving...

Having been defeated in the war, the whites did not lay down their arms. In exile, they form organizations aimed at continuing the struggle - the largest of them was the Russian All-Military Union (EMRO), created by Wrangel. They accept monarchism as a unifying idea, look for allies in other countries, try to carry out sabotage work in Soviet Russia... New defeats awaited them along this path: the Cheka-OGPU-NKVD acted more professionally, not shying away from provocations, and in search of allies, some of the whites agreed to cooperate with the Nazis, tainting themselves with collaboration.

Most likely, the main luck of the Bolsheviks was that they had two talented leaders - Lenin and Trotsky. A brilliant political strategist and brilliant tactician. But their appearance at the head of the Bolsheviks was by no means predetermined. The Bolsheviks were not at all doomed to success.

4. COMPARATIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE POLICIES OF WHITE AND RED TERROR

Soviet explanations noted that the methods of both terrors were similar, but “decidedly diverged in their goals”: red terror directed against the exploiters, white - against the oppressed workers. Later, this formula acquired a broad interpretation and called the armed overthrow of Soviet power in a number of regions and the accompanying massacre of people as acts of white terror. This meant the presence of various forms of terror even before the summer of 1918, and the term “white terror” meant the punitive actions of all anti-Bolshevik forces of that time, and not just the white movement itself. The lack of clearly developed concepts and criteria leads to different interpretations.

Although manifestations of mass terror are the shooting of about 500 soldiers in the Moscow Kremlin (October 28, 1917), murders in Orenburg during the capture of the city by the Cossacks Dutova(November 1917), beatings of wounded Red Guards in January 1918 near Saratov, etc.

The dating of various types of terror should begin not with the reprisal of famous public figures, not with the decrees legitimizing ongoing lawlessness, but with the innocent victims of the opposing sides. They are forgotten, especially the defenseless sufferers of the Red Terror.

The terror was carried out by officers - participants in the general's ice campaign Kornilova; security officers who received the right of extrajudicial execution; revolutionary courts and tribunals; guided not by the law, but by political expediency. June 16, 1918 People's Commissar of Justice P. Stuchka canceled all previously issued circulars on revolutionary tribunals and stated that these institutions “are not bound by any restrictions in the choice of measures to combat counter-revolution, sabotage, etc..”

Granting the right to sign the most important acts of punitive policy not only to higher authorities, but also to lower ones indicated that these acts were not given paramount importance, and that terror was quickly becoming commonplace. The leadership of the Soviet Republic officially recognized the creation of an extralegal state, where arbitrariness became the norm and terror became the most important tool for maintaining power.

Lawlessness was beneficial to the warring parties, as it allowed any actions with references to something similar from the enemy. Its origin is explained by the traditional cruelty of Russian history, the severity of the confrontation between revolutionaries and autocracy, and, finally, the fact that Lenin And Plekhanov did not see any sin in killing their ideological opponents, that “along with the poison of socialism, the Russian intelligentsia fully accepted the poison populism».

CONCLUSION

The pages of countless books, articles, memoirs, and published documents are devoted to the Red and White Terror in Russia during the Civil War. As a rule, all of these are “party” works; each side justified its actions. In the 1990s, the situation changed due to the collapse of the Soviet regime, the discovery of sources and the possibility of alternative research into the problem. Then, along with new publications of documents, historiographical generalizations and studies appeared, containing important materials on the problem of interest to us.

IN last years researchers strive to use a variety of documents, including those stored in the previously closed archives of the former KGB, they have the opportunity to express different, often polar views on the problem of interest to us. The use of documents published and stored in many archives, historiographical achievements became the basis of this publication.

There are no exact estimates of the number of victims of the White and Red Terror. The figures given in the literature are contradictory; their sources and calculation methods are not reported.

It is the beginning of that great terror that the party-state dictatorship again unleashed with particular fury against its own people a decade and a half later. And no matter how the participants, eyewitnesses, historians describe the events of those years, the essence is the same - the Red and White Terror were the most barbaric method of struggle for power. Its results for the progress of the country and society are truly disastrous. Contemporaries realized this. But many still do not fully understand the fact that any terror is a crime against humanity, no matter what its motivation.

LIST OF SOURCES USED

red white terror civil war

1 Great Soviet Encyclopedia. In 30 volumes. T. 19, T. 22. - M.: publishing house "Soviet Encyclopedia". 2007.- 506 p.

2 Yu. S. Arkhipov, Ya. Z. Khaikin. LOGIC OF HISTORY AND PRACTICE OF MARXISM IN RUSSIA // Philosophical Studies, No. 3, 2007, pp. 47-57

3 Red terror through the eyes of eyewitnesses / compilation, preface, and commentary. d.i. n. S. V. Volkova. - 1st. - Moscow: Airi-press, 2009. - (White Russia). -- 3000 copies.

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All terror is terrible

In the Soviet era, much was said about the atrocities of the White Guards and the justification of the “Red Terror” in this regard. During the years of perestroika and the subsequent bourgeois restoration, priorities changed radically and now the crimes of the Bolsheviks are condemned to a greater extent than the forced reaction of the “white” sufferers for Russia. It all depends on who and in what audience appeals to generally known facts.

One way or another, terror claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people on both sides of the conflict, because terror is the path of violence and intimidation, reprisals against political rivals. Violence was a universal way of fighting against oppressors, and an effective method of opponents of the revolution in Russia.

Targets of the Red and White Terror

When talking about terrorism, it is important to know the goals for which terror is carried out. The end, of course, does not justify the means, however, in a certain context it makes it “nobler”, if such a term is applicable to terror. Terror during the Civil War turned out to be in demand by everyone.

The “Red Terror” was essentially directed not against certain individuals, but against the exploiting class as a whole. Therefore, there was no need for a strict evidence base of the guilt of the exterminated bourgeoisie. The main thing to determine the fate of the doomed person was social origin, education and profession. This is the meaning of the “Red Terror”.

The “White Terror” was carried out by adherents of the overthrown ruling classes. Opponents of the revolution acted both by the method of individual terror against active troublemakers and representatives of the prevailing revolutionary power, and by mass repressions against supporters of Soviet power in the regions where the counter-revolutionaries established their control.

At some point, control over mass manifestations of terror was lost by both sides, and the scope of repression crossed all reasonable boundaries. On the part of the “Reds” (VI Congress of Soviets - about revolutionary legality) and on the part of the “Whites” there were attempts to limit the rampant nature, but it was no longer possible to stop the terror.

Origins of the Red and White Terror

It is fair to divide terror by type of origin:

Along the line of events, the comparison is confirmed by multiple analogies of terrorist actions, which are confirmed by many documents telling not only about murders, but also about mass and perverted sadism and violence against people.

"Red Terror"	"White Terror"

September 5, 1918 - the decree “On the Red Terror” was signed, making murder and terror state policy.	Murder of the Commissioner for Press, Agitation and Propaganda V. Volodarsky and the Chairman of the Petrograd Cheka S. Uritsky.
Execution of 512 generals, senior dignitaries and other representatives of the old elite in September 1918.
On November 3, 1918, in Pyatigorsk, by order No. 3, by resolution of the Cheka, 59 people taken hostage and suspected of belonging to counter-revolutionary organizations were shot.	Order of March 27, 1919 of the Yenisei and Irkutsk Governor S.N. Rozanov Order No. 564 of September 30, 1919 of General Maikovsky on organizing repressions in the rebellious villages of Siberia.
According to calculations in the publication of M. Latsis, in 1918 and for seven months of 1919, the Cheka shot 8389 people: in Petrograd - 1206 people; in Moscow - 234 people; in Kyiv - 825 people; 9,496 people were imprisoned in concentration camps, 34,334 people were imprisoned; 13,111 people were taken hostage. and 86,893 people were arrested.	In the Yekaterinburg province, the “whites” shot over 25 thousand people in 1918 and 1919.

The above facts do not exhaust the huge list of atrocities committed by all participants in the civil conflict in post-revolutionary Russia. Monstrous and sadistic murders and violence that defied reasonable understanding accompanied both the “red” and “white” terrors.