The struggle for the abolition of the restrictive articles of the Paris Peace Treaty. The struggle for the abolition of the restrictive articles of the Paris Peace Treaty Humiliating articles of the Paris Peace of 1856

The struggle for the abolition of the restrictive articles of the Paris Peace Treaty. The struggle for the abolition of the restrictive articles of the Paris Peace Treaty Humiliating articles of the Paris Peace of 1856

06.10.2021 Symptoms

After Russia's defeat in the Crimean War (1853-1856), peace was concluded in Paris on March 18 (30), 1856. Russia lost the southern part of Bessarabia with the mouth of the Danube, but Sevastopol and other Crimean cities taken during hostilities were returned to it, and Kars and the Kars region occupied by Russian troops were returned to Turkey. But the condition of the Paris Treaty of 1856 that was especially difficult for Russia was the proclamation of the “neutralization” of the Black Sea. Its essence was as follows. Russia and Turkey, as Black Sea powers, were prohibited from having a navy on the Black Sea, and military fortresses and arsenals on the Black Sea coast. The Black Sea straits were declared closed to military vessels of all countries “until the Porta is at peace.” Consequently, in the event of war, the Black Sea coast of Russia was defenseless. The Treaty of Paris established freedom of navigation for merchant ships of all countries on the Danube, which opened up scope for the widespread distribution of Austrian, English and French goods on the Balkan Peninsula and caused serious damage to Russian exports. The treaty deprived Russia of the right to protect the interests of the Orthodox population on the territory of the Ottoman Empire, which weakened Russia's influence on Middle Eastern affairs. Russia's defeat in the Crimean War undermined its prestige in the international arena.

The primary task of Russia's foreign policy after the Crimean War was to achieve at all costs the abolition of the articles of the Treaty of Paris, which prohibited it from maintaining a navy on the Black Sea, as well as military fortresses and arsenals on the Black Sea coast. The solution to this complex foreign policy problem was brilliantly accomplished by the outstanding Russian diplomat A.M. Gorchakov, who determined Russia's foreign policy for more than a quarter of a century as Minister of Foreign Affairs (1856 - 1882). Gorchakov was educated at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum and was a close friend of A.S. Pushkin. “A pet of fashion, a friend of the great world, a brilliant observer of customs,” this is how Pushkin spoke of him. Gorchakov also had significant literary talent. After graduating from the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, Gorchakov entered the service in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As secretary to the minister, he participated in all congresses of the Holy Alliance, then was chargé of the Russian embassies in London, Berlin, Florence, Tuscany, Russian ambassador to some German states, and in 1855 - 1856. Envoy Extraordinary to Vienna. A brilliant education, extensive experience in the diplomatic service, excellent knowledge of European affairs, personal friendly ties with many prominent foreign political figures significantly helped Gorchakov in solving complex foreign policy problems. Gorchakov did a lot for the revival international influence and the prestige of Russia after the Crimean War.

Foreign policy program of A.M. Gorchakov was declared in his circular “Russia is Concentrating” (1856), in which he emphasized the close connection between foreign policy and domestic political tasks with the priority of the latter, but about Russia’s freedom of action in protecting its interests. This circular stated that Russia strives for peace and harmony with other countries, but considers itself free from any international obligations and approaches them from the point of view of protecting its national interests and ensuring favorable conditions for internal development. Gorchakov's statement about domestic policy before foreign policy was dictated by the fact that at that time Russia had to solve complex internal problems through a series of reforms. Somewhat later, in a report to Alexander II on September 3, 1865, Gorchakov wrote: “Given the current situation of our state in Europe, in general, Russia’s main attention should be directed to the implementation of our internal development, and all foreign policy should be subordinated to this main task.” This was the essence of Gorchakov’s foreign policy program.

The “Crimean System” (the Anglo-Austro-French bloc) created after the Crimean War sought to maintain Russia’s international isolation, so it was first necessary to get out of this isolation. The art of Russian diplomacy (in this case, its Foreign Minister Gorchakov) lay in the fact that it very skillfully used the changing international situation and the contradictions between the participants in the anti-Russian bloc - France, England and Austria.

In connection with the brewing military conflict in the late 50s between France and Austria over the Italian issue, the French Emperor Napoleon III sought support from Russia. Russia willingly moved towards rapprochement with France in order to tear it away from the anti-Russian bloc. On March 3, 1859, a secret treaty was concluded in Paris between Russia and France, according to which Russia pledged to maintain neutrality during the war between France and Austria. Russia also pledged to keep Prussia from interfering in the war. In April 1859, France and the Kingdom of Sardinia declared war on Austria. But Napoleon III's attempt to drag Russia into a military conflict failed, although Russia was interested in weakening Austria. And yet, Russia’s neutrality facilitated the victory of France and Sardinia over Austria. The defeat of Austria served as a signal for the revolutionary struggle in Italy for its national unification, which took place in 1861. However, serious complications arose in relations between Russia and France. In 1863, a Polish uprising broke out. Napoleon III defiantly declared his support for the rebel Poles. The British cabinet joined his statement. Although the Poles did not receive real help from France and England, France’s position seriously aggravated its relations with Russia. At the same time, events in Poland contributed to the rapprochement of Russia with Austria and Prussia, who were afraid that the fire of the Polish uprising would spread to their lands inhabited by Poles.

Support from Prussia, whose role in European affairs in the 60s increased significantly, was especially important for Russia. Prussian Chancellor Otto Bismarck, who began the reunification of Germany with “iron and blood” (i.e., military methods) in the mid-60s, counted on Russia’s non-interference in German affairs, promising in turn the support of Russian diplomacy in resolving the issue of abolishing humiliating Russia articles of the Paris Treaty of 1856 When the Franco-Prussian War began in 1870, Russia took a position of neutrality, which ensured Prussia's eastern rear. The defeat of France in this war took it out of the anti-Russian bloc. Russia took advantage of this circumstance to unilaterally declare its refusal to implement the restrictive articles of the Treaty of Paris of 1856.

On October 31, 1870, Gorchakov sent a notification to all powers that had signed the Treaty of Paris of 1856, stating that Russia could no longer consider it obligatory to prohibit itself from having a navy in the Black Sea. England, Austria and Türkiye protested against this Russian statement. Some English ministers even insisted on declaring war on Russia, but England could not fight this war alone, without strong allies on the European continent: France was defeated, and Austria was weakened after the defeat in the 1859 war with France and Sardinia. Prussia proposed to hold a conference in London of the powers that signed the Paris Treaty of 1856. At this conference, Russia announced a revision of the terms of the Paris Treaty. Prussia supported her. On March 13, 1871, the conference participants signed the London Convention to repeal the articles of the Treaty of Paris, which prohibited Russia and Turkey from building military fortifications and maintaining a navy in the Black Sea. At the same time, the convention confirmed the principle of closing the Black Sea straits to military ships of all countries in peacetime, but stipulated the right of the Turkish Sultan to open them to warships of “friendly and allied powers.” The abolition of the restrictive articles of the Treaty of Paris was a great diplomatic success for Russia. The security of its southern borders was restored, as well as its influence in the Balkans.

England, Sardinia, Prussia, Austria and France, on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, took part in the work.

During 1856-1871 The Russian Empire fought for the abolition of restrictions under this agreement. The government did not like the fact that the Black Sea border remained open to sudden deposition. After long negotiations, the incomplete abolition of the articles of the Paris Peace Treaty, namely the lifting of the ban on maintaining a fleet in the Black Sea, took place thanks to the London Convention in 1871.

Crimean War

After the dissolution of all diplomatic and economic relations between Russia and Turkey in 1853, the former occupied the Danube principalities. The Turkish government did not tolerate such an attitude towards itself and on October 4 of the same year declared war. The Russian army was able to push Turkish troops away from the banks of the Danube, as well as repulse their offensive in the Transcaucasus. She coped well with the enemy at sea, who was heading to the very center of events. After such actions, Great Britain and France enter the war. They successfully pass through the Black Sea and surround the enemy army. On March 27, England declares war on Russia, and France does the same the next day. A month later, the Anglo-French army tries to land near Odessa, having previously shelled the populated area with 350 guns. On September 8, 1854, the same troops defeat Russia and stop in Crimea. The siege of Sevastopol begins on October 17. The troop locations numbered about 30 thousand people; The settlement suffered from 5 large-scale bombings. After the French conquest of the southern part of Sevastopol Russian army retreats. Throughout the siege (349 days), the empire tries in every possible way to distract the enemy, but the attempts are unsuccessful. Sevastopol comes under the control of Anglo-French troops.

The Treaty of Paris of 1856, signed on March 18, ended hostilities. It provided for the liberation of the Black Sea (becoming neutral), reducing the Russian fleet to a minimum level. The same obligations were imposed on Turkey. In addition, the Empire remains without the Danube estuary, part of Bessarabia, and power in Serbia, Wallachia and Moldavia.

Treaty of Paris

Due to the tragic resolution of the Crimean conflict for Russia, it is becoming infringed on its rights and interests. Surprisingly, the territorial borders of the Empire were practically not affected. She gave up some islands, principalities and the mouth of the Danube in exchange for cities such as Sevastopol, Kinburn and others. The only downside was that the territories obtained as a result of the peace treaty were besieged by allied forces. What hit Russia hardest was that the Paris Peace Treaty of 1856 limited its possessions on the Black Sea, prohibiting it from having a fleet, arsenals, and fortresses.

The agreement influenced the European social situation, the foundations of which were laid in the Vienna Treaties. Paris became the leader of all Europe, and former St. Petersburg was relegated to second place.

Terms of the Paris Peace Treaty

The Treaty of Paris included 34 mandatory and 1 temporary articles. The main conditions are the following:

Between the countries concluding the treaty, peace and friendliness now reign.
Territories conquered during the conflict will be liberated and returned to their original owners.
Russia undertakes to return Kars and other parts of the Ottoman possessions that are now occupied by troops.
France and Great Britain undertake to return to the Empire the captured ports and cities: Sevastopol, Evpatoria and others occupied by the Anglo-French army.
Russia, France, Great Britain and Sardinia must offer their forgiveness to those who were in any way responsible for the outbreak of hostilities.
All parties undertake to immediately return prisoners of war.
The Treaty of Paris of 1856 obliges the countries that signed the document to help the allies in the event of an enemy attack; carefully observe the conditions without violating them.
If a conflict or disagreement arises between any of the countries that have concluded the treaty, others do not use force to resolve it, giving the opportunity to settle everything peacefully.
None of the rulers interferes in the external and domestic policy neighboring state.
The entrance to the Bosphorus and Dardanelles remains closed.
The Black Sea becomes neutral; It is prohibited to have a fleet on it.
Trade is allowed on the shores of the Black Sea, which is subject only to the relevant department.
It is prohibited to have an arsenal on the Black Sea.
The number and strength of ships are determined by this agreement and cannot be exceeded.
Duties on navigation on the Danube are abolished.
An approved team will monitor the cleaning of the river banks, etc.
The created commission should subsequently draw up rules for navigation and cargo transportation, and remove obstacles for convenient patrolling of the maritime territory.
The Coastal Commission will be given the necessary power to ensure that the work it undertakes to do is completed after 2 years.
Each country is allowed to have 2 light vessels on the banks of the Danube.
The Russian border near Bessarabia is being shifted for convenient navigation along the Danube.
Those territories liberated by the Russian Empire will be annexed to Moldova.
No one has the right to interfere in the internal politics of the Wallachian and Moldavian principalities.
The Ottoman Empire undertakes not to interfere in the politics of the allied countries, leaving them the right to independent rule; leaves complete freedom of choice in religion, trade, navigation and general legislation.

Cancellation of the Paris Peace Treaty

After accepting the Russian-English peace, Russia tried to soften the restrictions, thereby regaining the Black Sea and the opportunity to have a fleet. That is why diplomatic relations flourish at this time. During 1856-1871 The Empire established profitable relations with France: it planned to receive help from Russia in the Austro-French conflict, and the latter counted on French influence in the eastern question.

The Paris Conference, which lasted until 1863, became decisive in Russian-French relations. The countries became noticeably closer and jointly resolved some issues. March 1859 was important for France because a secret treaty was concluded under which the Empire promised to remain neutral in the event of war with Austria. The deterioration of relations is observed during the Polish uprising. As a result of these actions, Russia is improving relations with Prussia.

After being strengthened in 1872, Berlin hosted 3 emperors. A convention begins, during which Austria also joins. According to the Berlin Treaty, adopted at this time, the abolition of the articles of the Paris Peace Treaty becomes a matter of time for Russia. She regains her fleet in the Black Sea and lost territories.

Russian-English peace 1856

Treaty of Paris completed Crimean War 1853-1856 (in 1853 - Russian-Turkish, since 1854 - Russia against Turkey, Great Britain, France and Sardinia).

A comment:

The Treaty of Paris of 1856 ended the Crimean War of 1853–56. Signed on March 18 (30) at the Paris Congress by representatives of Russia, on the one hand, England, France, Turkey, Sardinia, as well as Austria and Prussia participating in the negotiations, on the other. According to the P.M.D., Russia returned Kara to Turkey in exchange for Sevastopol, Balaklava and other Crimean cities captured by the allies. The Black Sea was declared neutral, Russia and Türkiye were deprived of the right to have a military presence on the Black Sea. navy and naval arsenals. This was the most difficult condition for Russia, which infringed on its state. sovereignty. Freedom of navigation on the Danube under international control was proclaimed. commissions. Russia transferred the mouth of the Danube and part of the South to the Moldavian principality. Bessarabia. All powers pledged not to interfere in internal affairs. affairs of Turkey and jointly guaranteed the autonomy of the Danube principalities and Serbia while maintaining the upper hand over them, the power of the Sultan. To finalize and determine the position and rights of the Danube principalities, it was decided to convene a special meeting. conference (Paris Conference 1858), although Russian. The delegation insisted on the immediate unification of Moldova and Wallachia and the maximum weakening of the tour. influence on them. Patronage over Christian subjects in Turkey, exercised by Russia before the war, was transferred to Europe. to the powers. Three conventions were attached to the P.M.D. The 1st mainly confirmed the London Convention of 1841 on the closure of the Bosporus and Dardanelles straits to the military. courts of all countries except Turkey; The 2nd established the number of light troops. ships of Russia and Turkey on the Black Sea for patrol service (6 steam ships of 800 tons each and 4 ships of 200 tons each for both sides); The 3rd obligated Russia not to build a military station on the Aland Islands in the Baltic Sea. fortifications P. m. d. weakened the international. Russia's influence in Europe and in eastern affairs led to an even greater aggravation of the so-called. The Eastern Question contributed to the further expansion of the West. powers on Bl. East and turning Turkey into a semi-colony. The victory of Russia in the Russian-Turkish War of 1877–78, which ended with the Treaty of San Stefano, caused the replacement of the P.M.D. with a new treatise adopted at the Berlin Congress of 1878.

P. M. Tarasov.

Used materials from the Great Soviet Encyclopedia in 8 volumes, vol. 6

Publication:

Collection of treaties between Russia and other states. 1856-1917. M., 1952, p. 23-24.

Chapter 6. Prince Gorchakov’s struggle for the revision of the articles of the Paris Peace

Immediately after the end of the Crimean War, Prince Gorchakov promised the Tsar to abolish the articles of the Treaty of Paris of 1856, which were humiliating for Russia, and by means of diplomacy. Needless to say, Alexander II was impressed by this development of events, and Gorchakov first became the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, then vice-chancellor. On June 15, 1867, on the fiftieth anniversary of his diplomatic service, Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov was appointed State Chancellor of the Russian Empire.

Gorchakov’s phrase - “Russia is not angry, Russia is concentrating” - has become a textbook. Every author writing about Russia in the 60s leads it to the right place and the wrong place. XIX century But, alas, no one explains why this phrase, taken out of context by our historians, was said.

In fact, on August 21, 1856, a circular from Gorchakov was sent to all Russian embassies abroad, which said: “Russia is reproached for being alone and remaining silent in view of phenomena that are inconsistent with neither law nor justice. They say Russia is sulking. No, Russia is not sulking, but is concentrating itself (La Russie boude, dit-on. La Russie se recueille). As for the silence of which we are accused, we could recall that not long ago an artificial coalition was organized against us, because our voice was raised every time we considered it necessary to maintain the right. This activity, saving for many governments, but from which Russia did not derive any benefit for itself, served only as a reason to accuse us of who knows what plans for world domination” (56. Book One, pp. 253–254).

Prince Gorchakov wrote circulars in French, and I have given here a pre-revolutionary translation, some authors give other translations.

The fact is that after the conclusion of the Paris Peace, a number of states began to prepare for the redrawing of the borders in Europe, determined by the Congress of Vienna in 1815, and states that were afraid of the redrawing of borders began to turn to Russia for help.

Gorchakov formulated his policy more clearly in a conversation with the Russian ambassador in Paris P. D. Kiselev. He stated that he was “looking for a person who would help him destroy the paragraphs of the Treaty of Paris concerning Black Sea Fleet and the borders of Bessarabia, that he is looking for him and will find him” (3. P. 50).

This was another mistake of the prince. What should have been looked for was not a person, but a situation in which Russia could itself annul the articles of the Paris Peace. And Gorchakov was looking for a kind uncle who could be cajoled and persuaded so that he himself would propose changing the articles of the agreement.

Gorchakov considered the French emperor to be such a person. Napoleon III was not like his uncle in intelligence or military leadership, but he constantly managed to deceive Gorchakov. I do not at all want to say that Gorchakov was stupid, he was smart enough, but he believed excessively in his chimerical projects and rejected all arguments that were not consistent with them.

On July 20, 1858, in the city of Plombieres, Napoleon III and the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Sardinia, Count Cavour, entered into a secret agreement, by virtue of which France pledged to facilitate the separation of Lombardy from Austria and its annexation to Sardinia, which, in turn, promised to reward France by ceding Nice to it. and Savoy.

In mid-December 1858, Napoleon III took advantage of the passage of Admiral General Grand Duke Konstantin Nikolaevich through Paris to develop his policy program in detail in a confidential conversation with him. The Emperor presented Austria as a sworn, irreconcilable enemy of both France and Russia. While France will oust Austria from Italy, Russia must raise the Slavs subject to it against it, and then, with the conclusion of peace, receive Galicia regardless of the revision of the Treaty of Paris in its favor. Then, according to Napoleon III, a coalition would become omnipotent in Europe, consisting of France and Russia on the outskirts, and Prussia with the German states in the center. England would lose all importance, provided, of course, that France, Russia and Prussia acted in harmony and strived for the same goal.

British diplomacy was not asleep either. Taking advantage of the queen’s family relationship with the Prince of Prussia (the queen’s eldest daughter was married to the latter’s son, Frederick William), the St. James’s cabinet worked for the reconciliation of Prussia with Austria and the conclusion of an alliance between them, which England would also join in order to counteract the unity of Russia and France.

On the one hand, it was unrealistic to expect England’s support in canceling the Peace of Paris. But on the other hand, Napoleon III also got off with vague phrases on this matter, but he offered Galicia to Russia. Napoleon III's calculation was simple: even by entering into negotiations with France over this province, Russia would make Austria its eternal enemy.

Gorchakov chose to take a benevolent neutrality towards France. As a result, in 1859, French troops defeated the Austrian army at Mangent and Solferino. At the same time, part of the Austrian troops was held back by Russian corps concentrated on the Austrian border. But, alas, then Napoleon III deceived Gorchakov and Russia and did not agree one iota to change the terms of the Treaty of Paris.

The Sardinian king Victor Emmanuel II received the most from the war of 1859. On March 7, 1861, he was proclaimed King of Italy. For services to Emperor Napoleon III, the Italian cities of Nice and Savoy and their surroundings were transferred.

On November 3, 1868, the Danish King Frederick VII died. The “protocol prince” Christian (Christian) Glücksburg ascended the throne with some violation of the right of inheritance.

The death of Frederick VII gave Bismarck the desired reason to raise the Schleswig-Holstein question and begin to implement his political program, the goals of which were: the expansion of the borders of Prussia, the exclusion of Austria from the German Union and the formation of a German union state from the union of German states, i.e. the unification of Germany under the hereditary rule of the Prussian kings.

On January 20, 1864, the troops of Prussia and Austria entered Schleswig, which belonged to Denmark. After offering little resistance, the Danish troops retreated. Prince Gorchakov not only did not protest against the entry of Austro-Prussian troops into Schleswig, but even approved it, and explained to the Austrian envoy that Russia sympathized with Germany and that if Sweden provided assistance to Denmark, then Russia would move troops to Finland.

England tried to refer the solution to the conflict to arbitration, but France and Russia refused to support it.

On this occasion, the poet, diplomat and great patriot Fyodor Ivanovich Tyutchev wrote: “We... until now, with some kind of complacent stupidity, have all been and continue to be concerned about peace, but what this world will be for us, we are not able to understand... Napoleon dictatorship...necessarily must break out into a coalition against Russia. Whoever does not understand this, no longer understands anything... So, instead of so stupidly pushing Prussia to go to war, we should sincerely wish that Bismarck would have enough spirit and determination not to submit to Napoleon... This is for us much less dangerous than Bismarck’s deal with Napoleon, which will certainly turn against us...” (25. P. 429). And on June 26, 1864, Tyutchev very clearly formulated the foreign policy task of Russia: “The only natural policy of Russia in relation to the Western powers is not an alliance with one or another of these powers, but their disunity, their division. For only when they are separated from each other do they cease to be hostile to us - out of powerlessness... This harsh truth may offend sensitive souls, but in the end this is the law of our existence...” (25. P. 427).

Schleswig and Holstein were annexed to Prussia. Russia did not gain anything from this war. And Gorchakov still wrote dispatches and circulars in order to find a person who would cancel the articles of the Paris Peace. He was not given the opportunity to understand that since 1854 the situation has changed, that Europe is divided, and neither France, nor Prussia, nor Austria cares about the tonnage of the Black Sea corvettes or the presence of armor on the ROPiT passenger ships.

A new war in Europe began in June 1866. On July 3, Prussian troops defeated the Austrians near the village of Sadovaya. The peace treaty in Prague established that Schleswig, Holstein, Lüneburg, Hanover, Kurgessen, Nassau and Frankfurt were annexed to Prussia. In addition, Bavaria and Hesse-Darmstadt ceded part of their possessions to Prussia. An offensive and defensive alliance was concluded between all German states, which later transformed into the German Empire. One of the points of the agreement was the obligation of the South German monarchs (Bavarian, Baden and Wirtemberg) to place their troops at the disposal of Prussia during the war.

During and after the war, Gorchakov developed frantic diplomatic activity, annoying Napoleon III with plans to cancel the Peace of Paris in exchange for Russian approval of certain territorial redistributions. The emperor continued to lead the prince by the nose. Gorchakov's numerous messages are of interest only to a narrow circle of historians. But in one of his letters to Baron A.F. Budderg, the prince spilled the beans. On August 9, 1866, Gorchakov wrote: “We extend our hand to him, but on the condition that if we support Napoleon’s views, he will support ours. Politics is a deal, and I didn’t come up with it” (33. p. 63). Gorchakov further wrote that Napoleon III “wants territorial compensation” beyond the “borders of 1814,” but his plans may encounter resistance, which may succeed “if we participate in it.” Gorchakov proposed the following deal: “Russia may not interfere with the plans of Napoleon III if he meets its interests in abolishing the terms of the Paris Peace.” Russia’s intentions and interests, Gorchakov continued, “do not include restoring the Black Sea fleet to its previous size. We don't need this. This is more a matter of honor than influence” (33. p. 64).

Absolutely right, the abolition of the articles of the treaty for the prince was primarily a matter of honor. But the residents of Odessa and Sevastopol needed high-speed ships with long-range cannons and powerful coastal batteries. And they absolutely didn’t give a damn what flag was flying over these ships - St. Andrew’s or the current tricolor and that the buildings with two-three-meter walls were called not cannon casemates, but warehouses of the merchant of the 1st guild Pupkin...

Bismarck systematically mocked Gorchakov’s policies: “People usually think that Russian politics is extremely cunning and skillful, full of various subtleties, intricacies and intrigues. This is not true... If they, in St. Petersburg, were smarter, they would refrain from making such statements, they would calmly build ships on the Black Sea and wait until they were asked to do so. Then they would say that they don’t know anything, that they need to inquire, and they would drag out the matter. It could last, under the Russian order, and, in the end, they would get used to it” (56. Book two. P. 75).

The War of 1866 extremely strained relations between France and Prussia. It was impossible to resolve them by diplomatic means; sooner or later the “last argument of the kings” had to be used.

Paris and Berlin were absolutely confident of their victory and were looking forward to the start of the war. The only capital of Europe where they were afraid of the Franco-Prussian war was... St. Petersburg. Our generals and diplomats overestimated the power of the French army. They imagined the defeat of Prussia, the entry of Austria into the war on the side of France, and, finally, the invasion of Austrian and French troops into Poland with the aim of creating an independent Polish state from the territories of Prussia and Russia. And indeed, Polish emigrants began to stir in Vienna and Paris. As always, the arrogant gentlemen were absolutely confident in their success and argued heatedly about who would become the head of the new state - Count Alfred Potocki or Prince Wladyslaw Czartoryski.

Russia began to prepare to defend its western lands. At the beginning of August, Minister of War D. A. Milyutin presented the Tsar with a note in which measures were developed in case of war with Austria. It was decided to concentrate an army of up to 350 thousand people in Poland, and 117 thousand people in Volyn.

I note that the number of peacetime armies in 1869 was: in Austria-Hungary - 190 thousand people, in Prussia - 380 thousand, in France - 404 thousand, in England - 180 thousand and in Russia - 837 thousand. Human.

On the eve of the war, Russian diplomacy rushed from side to side. This was largely explained by the fact that the tsar sympathized with Prussia, and the chancellor with France. A few days before the start of the war, Gorchakov quite frankly told the French Ambassador Fleury on what basis it was possible to improve relations between both powers: “France is a debtor to Russia. It is necessary that she give a guarantee of reconciliation in the East” (33. p. 168).

But back in June 1870, Alexander II once again confirmed Bismarck’s promise: if Austria intervenes, Russia will move an army of three hundred thousand to its border and, if necessary, even “occupy Galicia.” In August 1870, Bismarck reported to St. Petersburg that Russia could count on Prussia’s support in revising the Peace of Paris: “We will willingly do everything possible for her.” Bismarck, of course, made sure that Vienna knew about Russia's promise to advance an army of three hundred thousand if Austria wished to intervene in the war, even before it began. On July 16, 1870, a message about this had already arrived in Vienna from the Austrian charge d'affaires in Berlin, and that is why on July 18, the General Council of Ministers in Vienna spoke out against immediate participation in the war.

On July 19, 1870, Napoleon III declared war on Prussia. The beginning of August found Emperor Alexander II at maneuvers in Tsarskoe Selo. August 6 was the day of the Preobrazhensky regimental holiday. In the morning, the French ambassador Fleury brought the king a dispatch about the brilliant French victory at Mars-Latour. Then the Prussian ambassador, Prince Henry VII Reisse, appeared with his dispatch, which spoke of the complete defeat of the French there, near Mars-Latour. Alexander II, coming out to the guards, proclaimed a toast in honor of the invincible German army: “The French have been thrown back from the road to Verdun to Metz!”

Emperor Napoleon III, together with the army of Marshal MacMahon, was surrounded in the Sedan fortress and on September 2 capitulated along with the army. Empress Eugenie fled to England with her son Napoleon Eugene-Louis. On September 4, France was proclaimed a republic.

On October 27, 1870, in the Tsarskoye Selo Palace, Alexander II convened a meeting of the Council of Ministers to discuss the advisability of abolishing the restrictive articles of the Treaty of Paris. No one objected to the abolition of the articles relating to the Black Sea Fleet. But a number of ministers, led by Minister of War D. A. Milyutin, raised the issue of southern Bessarabia. In the end, Alexander II agreed with Milyutin.

Thus, the famous circular of A. M. Gorchakov dated October 31, 1870 was not the fruit of his brilliant diplomatic abilities, but a simple statement of the decision of the Council of Ministers adopted on October 27. In the circular, Gorchakov explained the reasons for the loss of force of a number of articles of the Treaty of Paris: designed to maintain the “balance of Europe” and eliminate any possibility of clashes between states, as well as to protect Russia from a dangerous invasion by neutralizing the Black Sea, the treaty showed its fragility. The powers that signed the Paris Peace and repeatedly violated its terms proved that it exists purely theoretically. While Russia, a Black Sea state, was disarming in the Black Sea and did not have the opportunity to protect its borders from enemy invasion, Turkey retained the right to maintain naval forces in the Archipelago and the straits, and England and France in the Mediterranean Sea. In violation of the 1856 treaty, foreign powers could war time with the consent of Turkey to conduct its military ships through the straits in the Black Sea, which could be an “attack against the complete neutrality assigned to these waters” and left the shores of Russia open to attack.

Gorchakov gave other examples of violations of its terms by the states that signed the 1856 treaty. In particular, the unification of the Danube principalities into a single state and the invitation of a foreign prince to become its ruler with the consent of the European powers were also a deviation from the treaty. Under these conditions, Russia could no longer consider itself bound by that part of the obligations of the treaty of 1856, which limited its rights in the Black Sea.

“The Emperor, in confidence in the sense of justice of those who signed the treaty of 1856, and in their consciousness of their own dignity, commands you to announce: that His Imperial Majesty can no longer consider himself bound by the obligations of the treaty of March 18/30, 1856, to the extent they limit his sovereign rights in the Black Sea; that His Imperial Majesty considers it his right and his duty to declare to His Majesty the Sultan the termination of the force of a separate and additional convention to the above-mentioned treaty, determining the number and size of warships, which both coastal powers allowed themselves to maintain in the Black Sea.

Gorchakov's circular caused an extremely negative reaction in Austria. The Italian Foreign Minister Marquis Visconti Venosta said that, no matter how much Italy values friendly relations with Russia, it is not up to her to free this power from the obligations assumed regarding the five other powers, and that this result can only be the consequence of a voluntary agreement between all courts who participated in the conclusion of the Treaty of Paris. The operatic French government of “people's defense”, which met in the city of Tours, chose to remain silent.

Bismarck, regarding the circular and Russian diplomacy, venomously remarked: “If she had been smarter, she would have completely torn up the Treaty of Paris. Then they would be grateful to her for once again recognizing some of his conditions and would be content with the restoration of her sovereign rights in the Black Sea” (56. Book two. pp. 75–76).

The British cabinet protested loudest. Lord Grenville called the Russian note “a bomb thrown at the moment when England least expected it” (7. p. 180). However, England did not want to fight one-on-one with Russia, and most importantly, it could not. Therefore, it was urgent to look for allies. France was shattered, Austria had not yet recovered from the defeat at Sadovaya four years ago, plus unrest among the Slavic population of the empire. Prussia remained.

When the main headquarters of the German troops, located in Versailles, learned that the English commissioner Odo Roussel was going there to demand “categorical explanations” from the German Chancellor regarding the Russian declaration, King William exclaimed: “Categorical? For us there is one “categorical” explanation: the capitulation of Paris, and Bismarck, of course, will tell him this! (56. Book two. P. 75).

The British had to compromise, and they agreed with Bismarck to organize an international conference on the issue of revising the articles of the Paris Peace. At first, Bismarck proposed to make St. Petersburg the venue for the conference, but due to the resistance of the British, he agreed to London. On the same day, November 14, the German Chancellor sent invitations by telegraph to the great powers to gather for a conference in St. Petersburg, London, Vienna, Florence and Constantinople. All the yards agreed to his proposal.

The Conference of Plenipotentiary Powers participating in the Treaty of Paris of 1856 opened its meetings in London on January 5, 1871, and on February 20 they signed a convention introducing the following changes to the Treaty of Paris.

Three articles of this treaty were repealed, limiting the number of military vessels that Russia and Turkey had the right to maintain in the Black Sea, as well as their right to build coastal fortifications.

The principle of closing the Dardanelles and Bosporus was confirmed, with the right for the Sultan to open access to these straits to military ships of friendly and allied powers whenever the Porte recognized it as necessary to maintain other provisions of the Treaty of Paris.

The Black Sea was declared to remain open for free navigation of merchant ships of all nations.

The existence of the international Danube Commission was continued for twelve years, from 1871 to 1883.

In Russia, the repeal of the articles of the Peace of Paris was attributed to the genius of Prince Gorchakov. On this occasion, Alexander II granted him the title of “lordship” and wrote in a rescript to him: “Granting you this highest honor, I wish that this proof of my gratitude would remind your posterity of the direct participation that, from the very moment you entered the administration of the ministry foreign affairs, was accepted by you in fulfillment of my thoughts and plans, which are constantly tending towards ensuring independence and strengthening the glory of Russia” (56. Book two. p. 77).

Fyodor Ivanovich Tyutchev, who often criticized Gorchakov, read at a gala banquet at the Foreign Ministry:

Prince, you kept your word!

Without moving a gun, not a ruble,

Comes into its own again

Native Russian land.

And the sea bequeathed to us

Again a free wave,

Having forgotten about the brief shame,

He kisses his native shore.

Alas, all these praises could not protect the shores of the Black Sea. By January 1871, there was not a single coastal battery and not a single cannon in Sevastopol. And the naval forces on the Black Sea still consisted of six outdated and uncombatable corvettes. Looking ahead, I will say that the first combat-ready ships were laid down on the Black Sea only in the summer of 1883, that is, almost 13 years after the abrogation of the articles of the Treaty of Paris.

We should not forget that Russia received the legal right to have a navy on the Black Sea only at the end of the 18th century. And before that, Peter I, Catherine II and even the narrow-minded Anna Ioannovna quietly built ships on the Don, Dnieper and Bug and shocked Turkey and Europe not with paper circulars, but with warships that suddenly appeared in the Black and Azov Seas.

Concluding the chapter, it is worth briefly dwelling on two aspects of the European wars of 1859–1871, which, unfortunately, neither diplomats nor admirals in Russia properly appreciated.

Firstly, powerful England with its huge fleet played a role in the European conflicts of 1859–1871. no greater role than, say, Spain or Belgium. Although British diplomats, out of habit, went out of their way to be a plug in each of the conflicts, but, alas, no one listened to them. The British Empire did not want to fight alone, or indeed send its soldiers to the continent at all. To dictate its will to Europe, England needed allies with large ground forces. In itself, its Grand Fleet did not pose a serious threat to a large continental state. This was well understood in London and not entirely understood in St. Petersburg. Chancellor Gorchakov and subsequent foreign ministers continued to look back at any shout from London.

The second thing I would like to point out is the war at sea in 1870-1871. “What other war at sea? - the military historian will exclaim. “There was no war at sea between France and Germany!” That's right, and this is the most interesting thing!

France had the second largest navy in the world after the British. Germany was significantly inferior to it, but also had powerful battleships in service. Was there no war? The fact is that the British, with their rules of naval warfare, fooled the heads of not only ours, but also the French and German admirals.

French squadrons cruised in the North and Baltic Seas off the German coast. They could smash dozens of German port cities to smithereens. But they were afraid to violate the maritime rights imposed by the British. The Germans, in turn, had several fast ships from the Lloyd Company, which could be armed and used for privateering warfare. But they were also afraid to violate maritime law. It often came down to jokes. In the open roadstead of Fayala (Azores), i.e. outside territorial waters, the French battleship Montcalm peacefully bypassed the German corvette Arkona at anchor and moved on.

As Grand Admiral von Tirpitz aptly put it: “After all, this was a naval war in which the British did not participate!” (59. P. 52). Enlightened navigators can do anything, but other powers, in theory, do not need to have a fleet at all. Rhetorical question - why did France and Prussia build and maintain fleets that were absolutely useless in the event of legal restrictions?

From the book History of the Spanish Inquisition. Volume II author Llorente Juan Antonio

Article Three PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE PRINCE OF PEACE AND OTHER PERSONS I. In 1792, the inquisitors of Zaragoza received a denunciation and heard witnesses against the house of Agostino Abad y la Sierra, bishop of Barbastro. He was described as professing Jansenism and approving of the principles

From the book Suicide Submarines. Secret weapon of the Imperial Japanese Navy. 1944-1947 by Yokota Yutaka

Chapter 8 NEW TRAGEDY AND REVISION OF THE MISSION To replace my friend Yazaki, the command chose Petty Officer Kikuo Shinkai. His skill with the kaiten was well known. Shinkai has earned recognition for his talents from our commanders, technicians and all of us, his

From the book Volume 3. From the end of the reign of Mstislav Toropetsky to the reign of Dimitri Ioannovich Donskoy, 1228-1389. author Soloviev Sergey Mikhailovich

CHAPTER FIVE THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN MOSCOW AND TVER UNTIL THE DEATH OF THE GRAND DUKE JOHN DANILOVICH KALITA (1304–1341) Rivalry between Mikhail Yaroslavich of Tver and Yuri Danilovich of Moscow. – The fight for Pereyaslavl. – Yuri is expanding his volost. – Offensive

author

Crossing the Danube Fears of Prince Paskevich Siege of Silistria; lifting the siege Retreat of Prince Gorchakov's army to the Russian border Meanwhile, the sovereign, concerned about the situation of our Danube army, conducted extensive correspondence with his entourage regarding the plan

From the book History of the Russian Army. Volume three author Zayonchkovsky Andrey Medardovich

Brief characteristics Prince A. S. Menshikov, Prince M. D. Gorchakov, admirals V. A. Kornilov, P. S. Nakhimov and General E. M. Totleben Prince Alexander Sergeevich Menshikov, great-grandson of His Serene Highness Prince Izhora, beloved nobleman of Peter the Great, was from naturally gifted

From book The World History: in 6 volumes. Volume 3: The World in Early Modern Times author Team of authors

REVISION OF THE ANCIENT MODEL OF THE WORLD The field in which discoveries, perhaps, most radically influenced the worldview of contemporaries was astronomy. According to the teaching of Aristotle, which retained its relevance at that time, the “supralunar world” was considered eternal and unchanging.

From the book Volume 1. Diplomacy from ancient times to 1872. author Potemkin Vladimir Petrovich

CHAPTER ELEVEN. NAPOLEON III AND EUROPE. FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS TO THE BEGINNING OF BISMARCK'S MINISTRY IN PRUSSIA (1856 - 1862

From the book Russian Land. Between paganism and Christianity. From Prince Igor to his son Svyatoslav author Tsvetkov Sergey Eduardovich

The joint struggle of Prince Igor and Oleg II against the Hungarians The Tale of Bygone Years ends Igor’s life in an article in 945. Having swornly approved the treaty with the Greeks in Kyiv, Igor “began a reign in Kyiv, and having peace with all countries. And autumn arrived, and I began to think about the woods, although

From the book The Influence of Sea Power on History 1660-1783 by Mahan Alfred

From the book Chronology Russian history. Russia and the world author Anisimov Evgeniy Viktorovich

1318 Murder of the Tver prince Mikhail Yaroslavich. The struggle of Moscow with Tver Having ascended to his father's table, Yuri of Moscow had to defend his destiny in the fight against the strengthened Tver princes. Tver was then a rich trading city on the Volga bank. In 1304, after

From the book History [Crib] author Fortunatov Vladimir Valentinovich

44. Completion of the division of the world and the struggle for colonies In the last decades of the 19th century. The division of the world between the leading powers was completed. Egypt, Eastern Sudan, Burma, Malaya, Rhodesia, and the Union of South Africa came under British control. France controlled Tunisia

From the book Generalissimo Prince Suvorov [volume I, volume II, volume III, modern spelling] author Petrushevsky Alexander Fomich

Chapter XXVI. In St. Petersburg and the village of Konchanskoye; 1798-1799. Suvorov's arrival in St. Petersburg; reception at the Tsar's; his antics during the divorce and on other occasions; his obvious reluctance to re-enter the service; the mediation of his nephew, Prince Gorchakov. - Suvorov’s request for permission

From the book Princely Possessions in Rus' in the 10th - first half of the 13th centuries. author Rapov Oleg Mikhailovich

Chapter 9 Land holdings of Prince Boris Vyacheslavich and the Igorevichs (descendants of Prince Igor Yaroslavich) The younger sons of Yaroslav the Wise, Vyacheslav and Igor, left a small offspring. Boris Vyacheslavich Son of the Smolensk Prince Vyacheslav Yaroslavich. Born no later than 1058

From the book History of Little Russia - 3 author Markevich Nikolai Andreevich

VI. New article, which, by Decree of the Great Sovereign, Tsar and Grand Duke Alexei Mikhailovich, all Great, and Lesser, and Beliya of Russia, Autocrat, established superseding the previous articles: 1. By Decree and by order of the Great Sovereign, Tsar and Grand Duke Alexei Mikhailovich, all

From the book Complete Works. Volume 11. July-October 1905 author Lenin Vladimir Ilyich

Plans for the articles “Bloody days in Moscow” and “Political strike and street struggle in Moscow” 1 Events in Moscow Friday - Saturday - Sunday - Monday - Tuesday 6-7-8-9-10. X. 1905 Art. (27. IX.).Strike of typesetters + bakers + beginning of a general strike.+ Students. 154 Speech

From the book Everyday Life of the Surrealists. 1917-1932 by Dex Pierre

On March 30, 1856, at a congress in Paris, a peace treaty was signed between coalition on the one hand, which included many allied countries, and Russian Empire. The hostilities, which lasted about two and a half years, could not lead to the desired result for any of the conflicting parties.

In case of continuation of hostilities in which no one was interested, the coalition suffered heavy losses, fighting, in fact, far from their territories. Constantly landing troops was too costly and energy-intensive. The Russian Empire did not want to lose its grip on European and Black Sea borders, and if the war continued, there was a possibility of losing influence in these territories.

Brief description of the Crimean War

The cause of the conflict is the desire of the Russian Emperor Nicholas I to separate from the weakened Ottoman Empire Balkan territories, supporting the struggle of the Orthodox Slavs against the influence of the Muslim empire. The conflict began to develop Great Britain, in whose interests it was to oust Russia from Europe and knock it off its dominant position in the Russian-Turkish war. The British were supported by France, in the person of Napoleon III, who wanted to strengthen his power through “revenge” for 1815. (Russian capture of Paris). Several more countries joined the alliance and supported the military conflict. Also participating on the side of the coalition under the influence of Turkey were: the North Caucasian Imamate, the Circassians and the Principality of Abkhazia. Neutrality was occupied by the Kingdom of Prussia, the Swedish-Norwegian Union and the Austrian Empire. The indecisiveness of Russian military leaders made it possible for coalition troops to land on the territory of Crimea, from where the Allied army began its advance to the East. The result of the war was the Treaty of Paris.

Participating countries

At the Paris Congress, representatives of the following countries arrived from the coalition: Great Britain, France, the Ottoman Empire, Austria, Prussia and the Kingdom of Sardinia. The second side was represented by the Russian Empire without support or any allies.

Representatives

Each side nominated two diplomats. The meetings of the congress were chaired by the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alexander Walevsky.

	1st representative	2-representative
Russian empire	Alexey Orlov	Phillip Brunnow
Ottoman Empire	Aali Pasha	Cemil Bey
Great Britain	George Villiers Clarendon	Henry Wellesley
	Alexander Valevsky	Francois-Adolphe de Bourquenet
Kingdom of Sardinia	Benso di Cavour	S. di Villamarina
	Karl Buol	Johann Hübner
	Otto Theodor Manteuffel	M. Harzfeldt

Main articles of the agreement

In Article III of the Paris Tract, the Russian emperor pledged to return Turkey city of Kars and other Ottoman possessions occupied by Russian troops.

In Article XI it was announced that from now on the Black Sea is neutral, which implies a ban on the passage of military vessels through these waters (i.e. this article deprive Russia of its naval fleet).

In XIII it is prohibited to keep in coastal areas military docks and arsenals, for the rapid deployment of a naval flotilla.

Article XXI states that the lands given by Russia go to the Principality of Moldova under Turkish rule.

Article XXII states that the Moldavian and Wallachian principalities remain under Turkish rule.

In Article XXVIII, the Principality of Serbia also remains under Turkish rule.

Also into the politics of the principalities and their independence Türkiye has no right to interfere, according to agreements with European countries.

Result of negotiations

The result was humiliating for Russia, since it was deprived of one of its most significant advantages - the most powerful fleet on the Black Sea. The surrender of the conquered territories from the Russian Empire by the coalition was not such upsetting news as the deprivation of one of the trump cards in waging a war with Ottoman Empire.

Articles contested by Russia

At the time of signing the Paris Peace Treaty, none of the articles could be challenged. But in 1871 London Convention It was possible to cancel some of the articles by drawing up a new agreement.

Thanks to the new treaty, both Russia and Turkey had the right to have any number of navies in the Black Sea. This was a real diplomatic victory for Russia.

Document lifetime

The Paris Peace Treaty existed in the form in which it was signed for 15 years. During this time, the Russian Foreign Minister A. M. Gorchakov, was able to revise the articles of the document and find convincing arguments for creating a new treatise.

Reflection in history

The Paris Peace Treaty changed the situation in Europe. Russia was placed within strict limits, which limited its capabilities in the war with the Ottoman Empire, even if it had weakened. A system built on conditions Russian Empire since 1815 (Vienna Treaty), completely collapsed. Karl Marx, as a contemporary of what was happening, wrote the following: “ Supremacy in Europe passed from St. Petersburg to Paris».

Bibliography: